Jordan Bans Muslim Brotherhood, Declares Group Illegal

A scene from a session of the Jordanian House of Representatives (official parliament website)
A scene from a session of the Jordanian House of Representatives (official parliament website)
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Jordan Bans Muslim Brotherhood, Declares Group Illegal

A scene from a session of the Jordanian House of Representatives (official parliament website)
A scene from a session of the Jordanian House of Representatives (official parliament website)

Jordan has officially outlawed the Muslim Brotherhood, ending decades of relations that oscillated between coexistence and confrontation.

Interior Minister Mazin Al-Farrayeh announced the decision at a press conference in Amman on Wednesday, declaring all activities linked to the group prohibited and stressing that any affiliation with the Brotherhood would now be considered a violation of the law.

"The group is now illegal," Al-Farrayeh said, underlining that the move places the Brotherhood outside the bounds of lawful political and social engagement in the kingdom.

The decision marks a significant shift in Jordan's political landscape, where the Brotherhood once held considerable influence despite intermittent government crackdowns.

While the Brotherhood has not issued an official response, its political wing, the Islamic Action Front - represented in parliament by dozens of lawmakers - said on Wednesday evening that it remains committed to its national role as an “independent Jordanian political party, entirely separate from any other entity.”

Al-Farrayeh said that membership in the Muslim Brotherhood is now prohibited, along with any promotion of its ideas. “All offices and premises used by the group, whether solely or in conjunction with other entities, will be shut down,” he said.

Al-Farrayeh also warned political parties, media outlets, social media users, and associations against publishing or sharing content related to the group. He said authorities had accelerated the work of a designated committee tasked with seizing the Brotherhood’s assets, both movable and immovable.

The clampdown follows the recent arrest of 16 individuals in what officials called the “Chaos Cells” case. Security agencies alleged the suspects were involved in manufacturing rockets using improvised tools, possessing explosives and firearms, hiding a ready-to-launch missile, and developing drone technology. The plans, authorities said, included recruiting and training individuals within Jordan and sending them abroad for further instruction.

The developments mark a dramatic escalation in Jordan’s stance against a group that once held sway over segments of public and political life in the kingdom.

The Palestinian group Hamas has called on Jordan to release the 16 suspects accused of plotting attacks inside the kingdom, saying their actions were motivated by support for Palestine and posed no threat to Jordan’s security.

In response, Al-Farrayeh accused members of the now-dissolved Muslim Brotherhood of operating covertly to destabilize the country.

“It has been proven that individuals from the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood were working in the shadows, engaging in activities that undermine stability, disrupt national unity, and threaten public order and security,” Al-Farrayeh said.

The crackdown comes as Jordan moves to implement a 2020 court ruling that dissolved the Brotherhood, which was founded in the kingdom in 1945. Authorities had previously avoided enforcing the decision in what Jordanian sources described as a strategy of “containment,” but officials say the group failed to respond with “responsible conduct.”

While the Brotherhood has been outlawed, its political arm - the Islamic Action Front - continues to operate. The party, which insists it is entirely independent of the Brotherhood, won 31 of 138 seats in last September’s parliamentary elections.

The distinction between the party and the banned group is now under renewed scrutiny, as the government seeks to distance state institutions from any perceived Brotherhood influence.

Jordanian authorities are continuing to draw a line between the banned Muslim Brotherhood and its licensed political wing, but political sources say the distinction may be tested in the coming days.

Senior officials told Asharq Al-Awsat that decision-making circles are still committed to separating the outlawed Brotherhood from the Islamic Action Front, which is officially recognized under Jordan’s political parties law. However, they warned that the legal process surrounding the so-called “Chaos Cells” case - expected to go to trial next week- could shift that calculus.

“There is concern that any escalation by the party, whether through street mobilization or social media platforms, could force decision-makers to reconsider the party’s legal standing,” one source said, adding that authorities may invoke laws that could lead to its dissolution and end what they described as the Brotherhood’s dominance over Islamic political representation in the kingdom.

Islamic Action Front Secretary-General Wael Saqqa reaffirmed the party’s independence, saying: “We continue to carry out our national role as a fully independent Jordanian political party, unaffiliated with any other organization.”

He stressed the Islamic Action Front’s commitment to the Jordanian constitution and laws, expressing full confidence in the judiciary.

Meanwhile, security forces have raided and inspected Brotherhood offices across the capital Amman and several provinces as part of a broader move to seize the group’s properties.

Sources also told Asharq Al-Awsat that Islamic Action Front offices were searched as well, with officials seeking to ensure that no Brotherhood-related documents or materials were being stored on party premises.

Al-Farrayeh has warned that individuals or entities found to be involved in criminal activities linked to the Brotherhood or the “Chaos Cells” plot will face legal action, as the government continues its sweeping clampdown.

Speaking during the announcement of the ban, Al-Farrayeh said authorities would act based on the findings of ongoing court proceedings.

“Appropriate measures will be taken against any person or group proven to be engaged in criminal acts connected to these cases or the dissolved group,” he said.

Al-Farrayeh also accused Brotherhood members of attempting to destroy large volumes of documents on the same night officials revealed details of the alleged plot last week.

“They tried to smuggle and destroy significant quantities of documents from their offices in an effort to conceal suspicious activities and affiliations,” he claimed.

The minister said the government’s actions stem from its “firm commitment to protecting society and shielding it from acts that threaten public order and distort the values of responsible political engagement.”

Jordanian political sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that further escalations may follow, particularly concerning the Jordanian Teachers’ Syndicate, an entity long linked to the Brotherhood’s political agenda.

Tensions between the government and the Brotherhood have simmered for over a decade, particularly during the 2010-2013 “Jordanian Spring” protests. Officials accused the group of exploiting the unrest to gain political leverage, particularly in its campaign to reinstate the Teachers' Syndicate, which was suspended by court order in 2020.

The syndicate, one of the kingdom's largest civil organizations, has been a flashpoint in the ongoing struggle between the state and Islamist political actors.

The Jordanian Teachers’ Syndicate, long dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood and its political wing, remains in legal limbo nearly four years after a court ordered its closure and the suspension of its activities.

The syndicate, which had been led by Brotherhood-affiliated figures for multiple terms, was frozen by a July 2020 court ruling that also mandated the closure of all its offices for two years. At the time, summonses were issued for the union’s president and board members in connection with ongoing legal proceedings.

However, despite the expiration of the suspension period, the union has not resumed operations. Political sources say successive governments - those of Prime Ministers Omar Razzaz (2018–2020) and Bisher Khasawneh (2020–2024) - chose not to enforce the court ruling fully, seeking to avoid public backlash over a politically sensitive issue.

The uneasy status quo was upended following the shock results of last September’s parliamentary elections. The Islamic Action Front and Brotherhood-affiliated candidates secured around 460,000 votes, nearly a third of the 1.6 million ballots cast in the party-list segment of the vote, despite a pool of 5 million eligible voters.

The results underscored the Brotherhood’s enduring grassroots appeal and reignited debate over the group’s political footprint, as Jordan intensifies efforts to dismantle what officials describe as parallel structures that challenge state authority.



Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
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Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)

What was meant to be a routine visit by Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal to Washington to discuss military support and aid coordination turned into a political flashpoint, after a brief meeting with US Senator Lindsey Graham ignited a dispute over whether the army chief would describe Hezbollah as a “terrorist organization.”

The controversy was sparked by a brief meeting with hardline Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, who publicly said he cut the meeting short after Haykal declined to use the designation in what he called the “context of Lebanon.”

What happened in the Graham meeting

In a post on X, Graham said: “I just had a very brief meeting with the Lebanese Chief of Defense General Rodolphe Haykal. I asked him point blank if he believes Hezbollah is a terrorist organization. He said, “No, not in the context of Lebanon.” With that, I ended the meeting.”

“They are clearly a terrorist organization. Hezbollah has American blood on its hands. Just ask the US Marines,” he added.

“They have been designated as a foreign terrorist organization by both Republican and Democrat administrations since 1997 – for good reason.”

“As long as this attitude exists from the Lebanese Armed Forces, I don’t think we have a reliable partner in them.”

“I am tired of the double speak in the Middle East. Too much is at stake,” Graham concluded.

The reaction went beyond expressions of displeasure. Some US coverage suggested Graham effectively raised questions about the “usefulness” of continuing support for the Lebanese army if such a gap persists between the US position and Lebanon’s official language.

Haykal’s answer raises its cost in Washington

Inside Lebanon, the issue is not limited to the stance on Hezbollah. Still, it extends to the army’s role as a unifying institution in a country whose political balance rests on sectarian arrangements and deep sensitivities.

Adopting an external designation, even a US one, in official language by the head of the military could be interpreted domestically as a move that risks triggering political and sectarian division or drawing the army into confrontation with a component that has organized political and popular representation.

That explains why Lebanese voices, including some critics of Hezbollah, defended the logic that “the state does not adopt this classification.” Therefore, the army commander cannot formally do so.

In other words, Haykal sought to avoid two conflicting languages: Washington’s legal and political framing of Hezbollah, and the Lebanese state’s language, which walks a fine line between the demand for exclusive state control over arms and the avoidance of reproducing internal fractures.

US State Department position

Amid the controversy surrounding the Graham meeting, an official US position emerged on Tuesday through the US Embassy in Beirut, welcoming the visit and focusing on the core US message.

The statement said that “the Lebanese Armed Forces’ ongoing work to disarm non-state actors and reinforce national sovereignty as Lebanon’s security guarantor is more important than ever.”

The wording was notable because it separated two levels: continued US reliance on the army as a state institution, and, in practice, linking that reliance to the issue of disarming non-state actors.

The phrase avoids direct naming but, in the Lebanese context, is widely understood to refer primarily to Hezbollah.

The visit’s broader track

Despite the political awkwardness, Haykal’s visit was not reduced to a single meeting. He held senior-level military talks, including meetings with US Central Command chief Admiral Brad Cooper and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine.

According to a statement from a Joint Chiefs spokesperson, the meeting “reaffirmed the importance of enduring US defense relationships in the Middle East.”

The visit coincided with broader discussions in Washington on support for the Lebanese army and plans to extend state authority, as international reports spoke of Lebanon entering new phases of a plan to dismantle illegal weapons structures in the south and north.

The army commander’s visit had initially been delayed for reasons that add another layer to understanding Washington’s sensitivity to the military’s language.

In November 2025, sources quoted the US State Department as saying Washington canceled scheduled meetings with the Lebanese army commander after objecting to an army statement on border tensions with Israel, prompting the visit to be postponed to avoid a pre-emptive political failure.


Egypt Steps Up Efforts to Support Gaza Administration Committee After Entry Stalled

Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
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Egypt Steps Up Efforts to Support Gaza Administration Committee After Entry Stalled

Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)

Egypt is intensifying efforts to back the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, hoping it can begin operating inside the enclave to implement commitments under the second phase of the ceasefire agreement, which started about two weeks ago but has yet to take shape on the ground.

Experts told Asharq Al-Awsat that those Egyptian efforts, through phone calls and meetings with international partners, are focused on two main objectives: pushing for the deployment of police forces and an international stabilization force on the one hand, and securing a gradual Israeli withdrawal on the other, increasing pressure on Israel to move the agreement forward.

A member of the administration committee said in a brief phone statement to Asharq Al-Awsat, speaking on condition of anonymity, that there is still no specific date for entering the enclave.

In the Slovenian capital, Ljubljana, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty stressed Cairo’s full support for the work of the committee headed by Dr. Ali Shaath.

He made the remarks during a dialogue session of the Arab-Islamic committee on Gaza with Slovenian Foreign Minister Tanja Fajon.

The foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Bahrain attended the meeting. Abdelatty stressed the importance of the committee’s role in managing the daily affairs of Gaza’s residents and meeting their basic needs during the transitional phase.

He underscored the need to ensure the continued flow of humanitarian and relief aid into the enclave, as well as the formation and deployment of an international stabilization force to monitor the ceasefire.

Abdelatty reiterated his stance during a phone call on Friday with British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper.

The Gaza committee, established under the ceasefire agreement, operates under the supervision of the Board of Peace, chaired by US President Donald Trump. The committee has been holding meetings in Cairo since it was announced last month and has yet to enter Gaza.

Ahmed Fouad Anwar, a member of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs and an academic specializing in Israeli affairs, said Egypt is making significant efforts to facilitate the committee’s mission as quickly as possible and enable it to operate.

He said this would limit Israeli obstacles, increase pressure on Israel, and place it under the obligations set out in the plan, particularly withdrawal from Gaza. This would counter intense pressure from Tel Aviv to accelerate the disarmament of Hamas without implementing its Gaza agreement commitments.

Palestinian political analyst Abdel Mahdi Motawea said Israel objected not only to the committee’s work but even to its emblem.

He noted, however, that Israel is not the only party hindering the committee. Hamas and other factions want to impose conditions on the committee’s work.

He warned of serious concerns that the committee could be marginalized, stressing that Egypt’s extensive efforts to support it are crucial at this critical stage of the Gaza agreement.

Hamas announced days ago that it was ready to hand over management of the enclave to the committee, while Israel continues to obstruct it.

Anwar expects the committee to begin operating in the enclave soon if Egypt’s efforts and those of international partners succeed and Washington responds positively.

He warned that the committee's failure would threaten the ceasefire agreement.


Gaza Deal Mediators Have Few Options on Hamas Disarmament

Hamas fighters in Gaza City. (AFP)
Hamas fighters in Gaza City. (AFP)
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Gaza Deal Mediators Have Few Options on Hamas Disarmament

Hamas fighters in Gaza City. (AFP)
Hamas fighters in Gaza City. (AFP)

Israel’s demand for the disarmament of Hamas has become the top priority since the second phase of the Gaza agreement began 10 days ago.

It exposed deep uncertainty over how such a step could be enforced amid firm resistance from the movement, which says it will not relinquish its weapons unless progress is made toward establishing a Palestinian state.

Analysts speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat said the issue has left mediators with minimal options, ranging from complete disarmament to freezing weapons, either by persuading Hamas or applying pressure.

The demand has become a political pressure tool that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and others in Israel are likely to use increasingly in the run-up to elections, they added.

Israeli opposition figure Benny Gantz, who is preparing for elections, called on Thursday in a post on X for the “disarmament of Hamas.”

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said on Wednesday that Israel will dismantle Hamas if it does not agree to lay down its arms.

Netanyahu, following a meeting on Tuesday with US envoy Steve Witkoff, said he was insisting on the non-negotiable demand to disarm Hamas before any step toward rebuilding Gaza.

Military and strategic analyst Brig. Gen. Samir Ragheb said mediators have few options other than reaching understandings or exerting pressure, noting that the demand to disarm Hamas has been echoed by Israel, Washington, the EU, and donors, and has become an obstacle to ending the war and launching reconstruction.

He said Netanyahu and others would use the issue electorally and as a pretext to collapse the agreement at any time, adding that the second phase is filled with “landmines,” particularly those related to the Israeli withdrawal, which Netanyahu does not want to address.

Strategic and military expert Maj. Gen. Samir Farag said available options are now limited, suggesting that freezing weapons may be more likely than complete disarmament, mainly since Hamas’ arsenal does not consist of missiles or drones and could be handed over.

He said there is US and Israeli insistence on implementing the weapons clause, but that it must coincide with an Israeli withdrawal and guarantees to prevent a new war.

By contrast, sources in Hamas told Reuters on Wednesday that the group had agreed to discuss disarmament with other Palestinian factions, but that neither Washington nor regional mediators had presented it with any detailed or concrete proposal on disarmament.

Israel’s Channel 13 reported in late January that the US was preparing a document granting Hamas several weeks to hand over its weapons to multinational forces within a set timeframe. Failure to comply would give Israel the green light to “act as it sees fit,” the channel said.

Farag stressed that Hamas’ room for maneuver is extremely limited and that it must quickly reach understandings with mediators, particularly Egypt, Qatar, and Türkiye, to resolve what he described as the most significant obstacle currently being created by Israel.

Ragheb said Hamas has no option but to implement US President Donald Trump’s Gaza plan and the disarmament clause, warning against delaying or circumventing it, as “every day lost poses a threat to the ceasefire agreement.”

He added that police forces in the enclave would be deployed within days or weeks, along with a possible stabilization force, leaving little space for further maneuvering.