‘Al-Aqsa Flood’ : Initiated by 70 Elite Fighters, Crafted by 5 Hamas Leaders

Palestinians in Khan Yunis atop an Israeli military vehicle seized during the Al-Aqsa Flood operation (DPA)
Palestinians in Khan Yunis atop an Israeli military vehicle seized during the Al-Aqsa Flood operation (DPA)
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‘Al-Aqsa Flood’ : Initiated by 70 Elite Fighters, Crafted by 5 Hamas Leaders

Palestinians in Khan Yunis atop an Israeli military vehicle seized during the Al-Aqsa Flood operation (DPA)
Palestinians in Khan Yunis atop an Israeli military vehicle seized during the Al-Aqsa Flood operation (DPA)

Palestinian sources closely associated with the leadership of the Al-Qassam Brigades, the armed wing of Hamas in Gaza, have disclosed new details about the Al-Aqsa Flood attack on Oct.7, 2023.
This assault, which altered the landscape of the region, unfolded a new era with endless possibilities.
The surprise attack launched by Hamas resulted in the death of over 1,200 Israelis and the abduction of more than 200 others in settlements, kibbutzim, and military sites in the Gaza envelope.
In response, Israel claims to have killed a significant number of perpetrators of Al-Aqsa Flood, totaling at least 1,500 members of Hamas.
Additionally, Israel has reported the killing of over 23,000 Palestinians in its ongoing retaliatory war in Gaza.
The Al-Aqsa Flood operation began with just 70 fighters, launching a surprise attack along the entire Gaza Strip border, from north to south, Palestinian sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.
They crossed the Israeli border by strategically exploding prepared explosives to breach the thick walls of the Gaza-Israel barrier.
Additionally, they used gliders and parachutes to position fighters behind, above, and around Israeli sites.
Sources reveal that those involved in the operation were selected from Hamas’ “Elite Unit” across various areas in Gaza, having undergone extensive training over the years.
The plan to infiltrate settlements in Gaza’s envelope is not new, originating before the 2014 war and revisited after the 2021 “Sword of Jerusalem” battle.
After receiving confidential training, elite members pledged secrecy and refrained from discussing plans, even though they were unaware of any clear attack plan.
Their training focused solely on infiltrating settlements.
Sources reveal that many brigade leaders in various Gaza areas were unaware of attack details or plans, while some had limited information about their tasks.
This secrecy was part of a security plan to prevent leaks to Israeli intelligence, which later admitted to failing to prevent the Oct. 7 attack.
The decision and timing of the attack were reportedly made by only five individuals: Yahya Sinwar, Hamas leader in Gaza; Mohammed al-Deif, leader of the Al-Qassam Brigades; Mohammed Sinwar (Yahya’s brother), wanted by Israel and a key assistant to al-Deif.
The other two individuals are Rouhi Mushtaha, a Hamas leader close to Sinwar, and Ayman Nofal, a close associate of al-Deif and former head of Al-Qassam Brigades’ intelligence, assassinated by Israel in the current war.
According to sources, the officials responsible for planning the operation informed Al-Qassam Brigades’ unit leaders about the preparations and the attack plan, excluding the exact timing.
They were notified three days before final readiness, meeting with regional brigade leaders who were assigned tasks without specifying the “point of no return.”
Brigade leaders then prepared their selected forces.
Ayman Siyam, the leader of the Gaza rocket unit (also assassinated during this war), received instructions to launch hundreds of rockets simultaneously with the attack.
The sources explained that Oct. 7 was chosen based on reports of complete calm on the borders.
The decision-makers concluded on Friday that Saturday morning would be the most suitable time (Israel’s day off).
They waited until midnight on the eve of Oct.7 and then gave the order to prepare.
Field commanders and elite forces received instructions and began moving in the early hours, marking the start of the operation.
The secrecy was also extended to the political leaders of Hamas.
According to sources, Hamas leaders received a briefing just hours before the operation, instructing them to go into hiding.
Senior leaders, including Ismail Haniyeh and Saleh al-Arouri, were informed of an impending attack but received no specific details or timing until a few hours before.
The primary plan aimed for a significant attack and capturing Israeli soldiers, but unexpected events made it more extensive.
Israeli defense lines collapsed easily, leading to the immediate capture and casualties of many soldiers.
After an hour and a half, remaining elite units in Al-Qassam Brigades were mobilized to support those inside the settlements.
Other armed factions were later informed about the possibility of participating, expanding the attack as hundreds entered the settlements.
After capturing dozens of Israelis, Al-Qassam Brigades’ leadership instructed fighters to engage Israeli forces, using the opportunity to focus on gathering and hiding the abductees amid significant chaos.
Hamas and Palestinian groups, along with others, managed to move about 240 abducted individuals, including Israelis and non-Israelis, into Gaza.
About 136 of them are still there after some were exchanged earlier.
The Israeli army also found some abductees’ bodies during ongoing ground operations and brought them into Israel.



Jordan Stops Fighters Attempting to Enter from Syria, Armed Forces Say

Jordanian soldiers on the border with Syria. (AP file)
Jordanian soldiers on the border with Syria. (AP file)
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Jordan Stops Fighters Attempting to Enter from Syria, Armed Forces Say

Jordanian soldiers on the border with Syria. (AP file)
Jordanian soldiers on the border with Syria. (AP file)

Jordanian border guards stopped a group of 14 armed individuals attempting to cross ‌into ‌northern Jordan from ‌Syria, ⁠the armed forces ⁠said in a statement on Saturday.

The group ⁠tried to ‌infiltrate on ‌Friday under ‌heavy ‌fire and direct engagement, causing numerous casualties ‌among the armed group, while ⁠the remaining ⁠members fled back into Syria, the armed forces said.

Tensions between the neighbors are high after Jordanian strikes in southern Syria in retaliation for a deadly church attack in the kingdom last week that Amman linked to militants operating across the border.

Syria said the strikes killed seven ⁠people, including three children and a woman. Jordan said it regretted the civilian casualties.


Egypt Fears Escalation in Iran War Would Be More Destructive, Foreign Minister Says

26 October 2026, Egypt, New Administrative Capital: Egypt's Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty attends a press conference at the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the New Administrative Capital near Cairo. Photo: Michael Brandt/dpa
26 October 2026, Egypt, New Administrative Capital: Egypt's Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty attends a press conference at the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the New Administrative Capital near Cairo. Photo: Michael Brandt/dpa
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Egypt Fears Escalation in Iran War Would Be More Destructive, Foreign Minister Says

26 October 2026, Egypt, New Administrative Capital: Egypt's Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty attends a press conference at the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the New Administrative Capital near Cairo. Photo: Michael Brandt/dpa
26 October 2026, Egypt, New Administrative Capital: Egypt's Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty attends a press conference at the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the New Administrative Capital near Cairo. Photo: Michael Brandt/dpa

Egypt's Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty said on Saturday he was "extremely worried" that a new escalation in the war between the United States and Iran would be more destructive and have a major ‌impact.

He was ‌speaking at the ‌IISS ⁠Manama Dialogue security ⁠summit in Bahrain.

"The second round will be more dangerous, more destructive, and it will lead to nowhere. We have to draw lessons from the past," ⁠he said.

An interim agreement ‌reached in ‌June failed to secure a lasting ‌ceasefire in the Iran war ‌or restore normal shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. Iran has since proposed that Washington lift its ‌blockade of Iranian ports in exchange for Tehran reopening the ⁠disrupted ⁠waterway within seven days.

Qatari mediators returned to Tehran on Friday in a renewed effort to broker a deal, but the sides remain divided over whether nuclear negotiations or relief from the blockade and oil sanctions should come first.


Lebanon Draws Up Plan to Govern 12 Palestinian Refugee Camps

The Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in southern Beirut. (AFP file)
The Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in southern Beirut. (AFP file)
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Lebanon Draws Up Plan to Govern 12 Palestinian Refugee Camps

The Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in southern Beirut. (AFP file)
The Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in southern Beirut. (AFP file)

Lebanon has begun addressing the governance of its Palestinian refugee camps, seeking to establish a framework for security, administration and services in a system where responsibilities overlap among Palestinian factions, popular committees, state institutions and the UN agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA).

Prime Minister Nawaf Salam on Friday launched consultations on a plan prepared by the Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee, headed by Ambassador Ramez Dimashkieh, before its final version is submitted to the Cabinet.

Salam stressed that Palestinian refugee camps fall under Lebanese sovereignty and are subject to Lebanese law.

“The presence of state institutions in the camps must become clear and consistent,” he declared.

He linked the governance initiative to the National Accord Document, the state’s exclusive control over weapons and its sole authority to decide on war and peace.

Salam also referred to the understanding reached between Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas in May 2025, as well as steps already taken to address the issue of Palestinian weapons.

He stressed that the initiative would cover security, the rule of law, and social, economic and service-related conditions.

The prime minister revealed that a draft law was being prepared to regulate refugees’ rights and obligations, including employment and social security.

He reaffirmed Lebanon’s commitment to the Palestinian right of return and its rejection of permanent resettlement, stressing that UNRWA and the international community must continue to bear responsibility for refugee services, without the Lebanese state replacing the agency.

For his part, Dimashkieh described the launch of consultations on a national plan to govern Palestinian refugee camps as an unprecedented step toward establishing a unified Lebanese state vision for their management and administration.

The camps are located on Lebanese territory and fall under Lebanese sovereignty, and that any new arrangements would be developed through partnership and dialogue with all Palestinian groups, without exception, he stressed.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Dimashkieh explained that the initiative could be the first of its kind in Lebanon’s history of dealing with Palestinian refugee camps.

“For the first time, consultations are being launched to develop a unified Lebanese state plan for managing and governing the camps, rather than having each institution continue to deal with the issue separately, according to its own area of responsibility,” he noted.

The main problem, according to Dimashkieh, has been the absence of coordination and a common vision among the institutions involved, including the security services and Lebanese Army, governorates and municipalities, the ministries of health and labor, and UNRWA.

“Each institution viewed conditions in the camps from its own perspective, without an overarching framework to organize responsibilities and mechanisms for addressing the various issues,” he explained.

Dimashkieh revealed that consultations would continue over the next six months, bringing together the relevant Lebanese and Palestinian parties to reach the best possible formula for governing the camps.

Discussions will cover security, administrative and legal matters, including the role of security forces, the possible adoption of community policing and issues falling within the jurisdiction of the Justice Ministry and other relevant institutions.

He stressed that Palestinians would be key partners throughout the process, with no group excluded.

“The aim is to listen to everyone and reach a formula that commands the broadest possible consensus.”

Dimashkieh further underscored the growing urgency of reorganizing camp administration, particularly as the demographic composition of some camps has changed considerably.

“In some camps, Palestinians now account for only around 30% of residents, compared with approximately 70% who are Syrians or people of other nationalities,” he pointed out.

These demographic shifts require both Lebanese and Palestinian authorities to reconsider how the camps are administered and how their circumstances are addressed, he explained.

As for the next steps, Dimashkieh said that the proposal agreed upon after consultations and the identification of mechanisms for addressing the issue would be submitted to the Lebanese Cabinet for a decision.

12 camps and a legacy dating back to the Cairo Agreement

Lebanon’s 12 official Palestinian refugee camps are spread across several regions.

Five are in the south: Ain al-Hilweh, Mieh Mieh, Rashidieh, Burj al-Shemali and Al-Buss.

Four are in Beirut and Mount Lebanon: Burj al-Barajneh, Shatila, Mar Elias and Dbayeh.

Two are in the north, Beddawi and Nahr al-Bared, while the Bekaa Valley hosts the Jalil camp in Baalbek.

The number of registered Palestinian refugees differs considerably from the number actually residing in Lebanon.

UNRWA had approximately 488,000 refugees registered as of June 2025, while a 2017 Lebanese-Palestinian census counted around 174,000 Palestinians living in camps and gatherings, using a different methodology.

The UN agency’s registration figures do not constitute a census of current residents.

The roots of the camps’ special security arrangements date to the 1969 Cairo Agreement, which the Lebanese parliament annulled in 1987.

Nevertheless, Palestinian popular committees and factions have continued to play roles in the camps.

In 2025, factions affiliated with the Palestine Liberation Organization handed over weapons to the Lebanese Army. However, the issue of arms held by all Palestinian organizations has yet to be fully resolved.