‘Al-Aqsa Flood’ : Initiated by 70 Elite Fighters, Crafted by 5 Hamas Leaders

Palestinians in Khan Yunis atop an Israeli military vehicle seized during the Al-Aqsa Flood operation (DPA)
Palestinians in Khan Yunis atop an Israeli military vehicle seized during the Al-Aqsa Flood operation (DPA)
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‘Al-Aqsa Flood’ : Initiated by 70 Elite Fighters, Crafted by 5 Hamas Leaders

Palestinians in Khan Yunis atop an Israeli military vehicle seized during the Al-Aqsa Flood operation (DPA)
Palestinians in Khan Yunis atop an Israeli military vehicle seized during the Al-Aqsa Flood operation (DPA)

Palestinian sources closely associated with the leadership of the Al-Qassam Brigades, the armed wing of Hamas in Gaza, have disclosed new details about the Al-Aqsa Flood attack on Oct.7, 2023.
This assault, which altered the landscape of the region, unfolded a new era with endless possibilities.
The surprise attack launched by Hamas resulted in the death of over 1,200 Israelis and the abduction of more than 200 others in settlements, kibbutzim, and military sites in the Gaza envelope.
In response, Israel claims to have killed a significant number of perpetrators of Al-Aqsa Flood, totaling at least 1,500 members of Hamas.
Additionally, Israel has reported the killing of over 23,000 Palestinians in its ongoing retaliatory war in Gaza.
The Al-Aqsa Flood operation began with just 70 fighters, launching a surprise attack along the entire Gaza Strip border, from north to south, Palestinian sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.
They crossed the Israeli border by strategically exploding prepared explosives to breach the thick walls of the Gaza-Israel barrier.
Additionally, they used gliders and parachutes to position fighters behind, above, and around Israeli sites.
Sources reveal that those involved in the operation were selected from Hamas’ “Elite Unit” across various areas in Gaza, having undergone extensive training over the years.
The plan to infiltrate settlements in Gaza’s envelope is not new, originating before the 2014 war and revisited after the 2021 “Sword of Jerusalem” battle.
After receiving confidential training, elite members pledged secrecy and refrained from discussing plans, even though they were unaware of any clear attack plan.
Their training focused solely on infiltrating settlements.
Sources reveal that many brigade leaders in various Gaza areas were unaware of attack details or plans, while some had limited information about their tasks.
This secrecy was part of a security plan to prevent leaks to Israeli intelligence, which later admitted to failing to prevent the Oct. 7 attack.
The decision and timing of the attack were reportedly made by only five individuals: Yahya Sinwar, Hamas leader in Gaza; Mohammed al-Deif, leader of the Al-Qassam Brigades; Mohammed Sinwar (Yahya’s brother), wanted by Israel and a key assistant to al-Deif.
The other two individuals are Rouhi Mushtaha, a Hamas leader close to Sinwar, and Ayman Nofal, a close associate of al-Deif and former head of Al-Qassam Brigades’ intelligence, assassinated by Israel in the current war.
According to sources, the officials responsible for planning the operation informed Al-Qassam Brigades’ unit leaders about the preparations and the attack plan, excluding the exact timing.
They were notified three days before final readiness, meeting with regional brigade leaders who were assigned tasks without specifying the “point of no return.”
Brigade leaders then prepared their selected forces.
Ayman Siyam, the leader of the Gaza rocket unit (also assassinated during this war), received instructions to launch hundreds of rockets simultaneously with the attack.
The sources explained that Oct. 7 was chosen based on reports of complete calm on the borders.
The decision-makers concluded on Friday that Saturday morning would be the most suitable time (Israel’s day off).
They waited until midnight on the eve of Oct.7 and then gave the order to prepare.
Field commanders and elite forces received instructions and began moving in the early hours, marking the start of the operation.
The secrecy was also extended to the political leaders of Hamas.
According to sources, Hamas leaders received a briefing just hours before the operation, instructing them to go into hiding.
Senior leaders, including Ismail Haniyeh and Saleh al-Arouri, were informed of an impending attack but received no specific details or timing until a few hours before.
The primary plan aimed for a significant attack and capturing Israeli soldiers, but unexpected events made it more extensive.
Israeli defense lines collapsed easily, leading to the immediate capture and casualties of many soldiers.
After an hour and a half, remaining elite units in Al-Qassam Brigades were mobilized to support those inside the settlements.
Other armed factions were later informed about the possibility of participating, expanding the attack as hundreds entered the settlements.
After capturing dozens of Israelis, Al-Qassam Brigades’ leadership instructed fighters to engage Israeli forces, using the opportunity to focus on gathering and hiding the abductees amid significant chaos.
Hamas and Palestinian groups, along with others, managed to move about 240 abducted individuals, including Israelis and non-Israelis, into Gaza.
About 136 of them are still there after some were exchanged earlier.
The Israeli army also found some abductees’ bodies during ongoing ground operations and brought them into Israel.



Many in Gaza are Eating Just Once a Day, as Hunger Spreads amid Aid Issues

An Israeli tank and other military vehicles guard a position as Palestinians flee Khan Yunis, in the southern Gaza Strip, on January 26, 2024, amid ongoing battles between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas.  (Photo by Mahmud Hams / AFP)
An Israeli tank and other military vehicles guard a position as Palestinians flee Khan Yunis, in the southern Gaza Strip, on January 26, 2024, amid ongoing battles between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas.  (Photo by Mahmud Hams / AFP)
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Many in Gaza are Eating Just Once a Day, as Hunger Spreads amid Aid Issues

An Israeli tank and other military vehicles guard a position as Palestinians flee Khan Yunis, in the southern Gaza Strip, on January 26, 2024, amid ongoing battles between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas.  (Photo by Mahmud Hams / AFP)
An Israeli tank and other military vehicles guard a position as Palestinians flee Khan Yunis, in the southern Gaza Strip, on January 26, 2024, amid ongoing battles between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas.  (Photo by Mahmud Hams / AFP)

Yasmin Eid coughs and covers her face, cooking a small pot of lentils over a fire fed with twigs and scrap paper in the tent she shares with her husband and four young daughters in the Gaza Strip.
It was their only meal Wednesday — it was all they could afford.
“My girls suck on their thumbs because of how hungry they are, and I pat their backs until they sleep,” she said.
After being displaced five times, the Eids reside in central Gaza, where aid groups have relatively more access than in the north, which has been largely isolated and heavily destroyed since Israel began waging a renewed offensive against the militant group Hamas in early October. But nearly everyone in Gaza is going hungry these days. In the north experts say a full-blown famine may be underway, The Associated Press said.
On Thursday, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former defense minister, accusing them of using “starvation as a method of warfare” — charges Israel adamantly denies.
In Deir al-Balah, the Eids are among hundreds of thousands sheltering in squalid tent camps. The local bakeries shut down for five days this week. The price of a bag of bread climbed above $13 by Wednesday, as bread and flour vanished from shelves before more supplies arrived.
The United Nations humanitarian office warned of a “stark increase” in the number of households experiencing severe hunger in central and southern Gaza. It appeared to be linked to the robbery at gunpoint of nearly 100 aid trucks last weekend in southern Gaza, close to Israeli military positions. Israel blamed Hamas but appears to have taken no action to stop the looting, while Hamas said it was the work of local bandits.
Aid groups say the looting is one of many obstacles to getting food and other vital aid to the territory's 2.3 million Palestinians. They also have to contend with Israeli movement restrictions, ongoing fighting, and heavy damage wreaked by the Israeli bombardment of roads and critical infrastructure.
For the Eids, hunger is the daily routine For months, Yasmin and her family have gone to bed hungry.
“Everything has increased in price, and we cannot buy anything," she said. “We always go to sleep without having dinner.”
She misses coffee, but a single packet of Nescafe goes for around $1.30. A kilogram (2 pounds) of onions goes for $10, a medium bottle of cooking oil for $15 — if available. Meat and chicken all but vanished from the markets months ago, but there are still some local vegetables. Such sums are astronomical in an impoverished territory where few people earn regular incomes.
Crowds of hundreds wait hours to get food from charities, which are also struggling.
Hani Almadhoun, co-founder of the Gaza Soup Kitchen, said his teams can offer only small bowls of rice or pasta once a day. He said they “can go to the market on one day and buy something for $5, and then go back in the afternoon to find it doubled or tripled in price.”
Its kitchen in the central town of Zuweida operated on a daily budget of around $500 for much of the war. When the amount of aid entering Gaza plummeted in October, its costs climbed to around $1,300 a day. It can feed about half of the 1,000 families who line up each day.
The sharp decline in aid, and a US ultimatum Israel says it places no limits on the amount of aid entering Gaza and has announced a number of measures it says are aimed at increasing the flow in recent weeks, including the opening of a new crossing. It blames UN agencies for not retrieving it, pointing to hundreds of truckloads languishing on the Gaza side of the border.
But the military's own figures show that the amount of aid entering Gaza plunged to around 1,800 trucks in October, down from over 4,200 the previous month. At the current rate of entry, around 2,400 trucks would come into Gaza in November. Around 500 trucks entered each day before the war.
The UN says less than half the truckloads are actually distributed because of ongoing fighting, Israeli denial of movement requests, and the breakdown of law and order. Hamas-run police have vanished from many areas after being targeted by Israeli airstrikes.
The war started Oct. 7, 2023, when Hamas-led fighters stormed into Israel, killing some 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and abducting around 250. Around 100 hostages are still inside Gaza, at least a third of whom are dead, and Hamas militants have repeatedly regrouped after Israeli operations, carrying out hit-and-run attacks from tunnels and bombed-out buildings.
Israel's retaliatory offensive has killed over 44,000 Palestinians, more than half of them women and children, according to local health authorities, who do not say how many of the dead were fighters.
The United States warned Israel in October that it might be forced to curtail some of its crucial military support if Israel did not rapidly ramp up the amount of aid entering Gaza. But after the 30-day ultimatum expired, the Biden administration declined to take any action, saying there had been some progress.
Israel meanwhile passed legislation severing ties with UNRWA. Israel accuses the agency of allowing itself to be infiltrated by Hamas — allegations denied by the UN.
Israeli news outlets have reported that officials are considering plans for the military to take over aid distribution or contract it out to private security companies. Asked about such plans Wednesday, government spokesman David Mercer said “Israel is looking at many creative solutions to ensure a better future for Gaza.”
Yoav Gallant, the former defense minister who was seen as a voice of moderation in the far-right government before being fired this month, warned on X that handing over aid distribution to a private firm was a “euphemism for the beginning of military rule.”
As that debate plays out in Jerusalem, less than 100 kilometers (60 miles) away from central Gaza, most Palestinians in the territory are focused on staying alive in a war with no end in sight.
“I find it difficult to talk about the suffering we are experiencing. I am ashamed to talk about it,” said Yasmin’s husband, Hani. “What can I tell you? I’m a person who has 21 family members and is unable to provide them with a bag of flour.”