Israeli Army Accepts Limited Results of Gaza War but Extremists Refuse

Two Israeli soldiers inside Gaza (AFP)
Two Israeli soldiers inside Gaza (AFP)
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Israeli Army Accepts Limited Results of Gaza War but Extremists Refuse

Two Israeli soldiers inside Gaza (AFP)
Two Israeli soldiers inside Gaza (AFP)

A large part of the Israeli political and military leadership began to realize that the goals set for the war in Gaza were unrealistic and inapplicable and are open to "getting out of the war with limited results," according to political and security sources in Tel Aviv.
However, the far-right members of the army reject a ceasefire and aspire to seize the historic opportunity to liquidate the Palestinian cause.
The sources said that Israel is witnessing a severe, unprecedented situation of unprofessional influences on the army.
On the one hand, army leaders are convinced of the necessity of making a turn in the war, a desire they share with the US administration and the generals in the government's war cabinet. On the other hand, the right-wing government is pressuring them through various means, forcing them to make unprofessional decisions that would cost a heavy price.
The army requested an extraordinary increase to the 2024 budget, which was scheduled before the war to amount to 68 billion shekels, but the government said it would only increase it to 85 billion shekels.
The cabinet informed the army that it would establish an external committee to examine its needs, meaning the government was taking its time.
The deteriorating security situation is a pressure tool the army uses to obtain a budget increase.
If the army believes it should stop the war in Gaza, the government's action is to keep the war going until it decides the budget.
On Friday, Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper published a report revealing that the commander of the forces in Gaza, Brigadier General Barak Hiram, ordered a system similar to the "Hannibal Directive.
The procedure is an Israeli military protocol that stipulates the use of maximum force to prevent the capture of soldiers at all costs, even at the cost of the death of the soldier.
Hiram ordered his officers to fire on all cars transporting prisoners to Gaza. This led to considering dismissing him or replacing him with another commander when Israel declared war, but the army did not do so.
Hiram is a settler in the West Bank, and the army feared a political attack on him from the far right.
Nahum Barnea, a political analyst in Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper, wondered how Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ministers would bridge the gap between the irresponsible expectations they have set and the difficult decisions before them.
Barnea revealed a new proposal for hostage swap along with a three-month ceasefire agreement, with implementation to be gradual.
The agreement will include the release of all hostages, both alive and deceased, in stages, with the first stage being humanitarian, including the release of the sick, wounded, and elderly hostages as a top priority.
In return, thousands of Palestinian prisoners will be liberated, including prisoners with long sentences.
The demands include a significant increase in humanitarian aid provided to the Gaza Strip, the return of residents to the northern area of the Strip, the withdrawal of Israeli army forces, and the establishment of an internationally funded administration for the reconstruction of Gaza from its ruins.
It also includes Hamas's partnership in controlling the Gaza Strip in the future.
Barnea added that there are rumors denied by Doha, which state that the Qatari proposal includes the departure of the Hamas leadership from the Gaza Strip, including Yahya Sinwar and Mohammed Deif.
It seems that Israel spread this rumor as a similarity to the departure of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), led by Yasser Arafat, from Beirut in 1982.
However, the journalist indicated that Gaza is not Beirut, and unlike Arafat, Sinwar is not looking for refuge in the diaspora but is preparing for victory celebrations in Gaza.
Barnea warned that conditions may change and negotiations may explode because there are those at the political and military levels who prefer to remove the issue of kidnapped persons from the agenda.
They claim the kidnapped persons are an obstacle and will hinder the forces in the field and strengthen Hamas' power.
Barnea confirms that the far-right representatives in the government believe the events of Oct. 7 were not a disaster but rather a historic opportunity for Israel to occupy all of Gaza and bring settlers.
In the worst-case scenario, no deal will be reached, and the Israeli army will remain stuck in Gaza without a plan, with nearly two million displaced people who have nowhere to go, said Barnea.
He indicated that the situation is dire with an exhausted US administration, kidnapped persons who will not survive, evacuated settlers who will not be able to return to their homes, an economy in crisis, a discredited budget, and a political establishment only concerned with itself.

 

 



Iraqi Factions: Tehran’s Arm in an Open War of Attrition

A burning fire outside the perimeter of the United States Embassy in the fortified Green Zone in Baghdad on March 17, 2026. 
A burning fire outside the perimeter of the United States Embassy in the fortified Green Zone in Baghdad on March 17, 2026. 
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Iraqi Factions: Tehran’s Arm in an Open War of Attrition

A burning fire outside the perimeter of the United States Embassy in the fortified Green Zone in Baghdad on March 17, 2026. 
A burning fire outside the perimeter of the United States Embassy in the fortified Green Zone in Baghdad on March 17, 2026. 

Since the outbreak of conflict in the Middle East, Iraqi factions aligned with Tehran have placed US interests squarely in their sights, repeatedly targeting bases hosting international forces, diplomatic missions and key oil infrastructure.

Designated as terrorist organizations by Washington, these groups had issued early warnings that the confrontation would evolve into a prolonged “war of attrition.”

Interlocking Axes

In a statement underscoring domestic production, Harakat al-Nujaba said the manufacture of drones and missiles within the so-called Axis of Resistance had become “as commonplace as making sweets in Iraqi homes.”

The factions operate under a loose umbrella known as the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, which regularly claims drone and rocket attacks against what it describes as hostile targets inside Iraq and across the region.

They form a core part of Iran’s Axis of Resistance, alongside Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza and the Houthis in Yemen. Iraqi factions also pledged full support for Iran following the Israeli–US strike on Feb. 28.

Military and Political Landscape

Several actors shape the current landscape. Kataib Hezbollah is widely seen as the spearhead of attacks on US interests and has lost several commanders in past strikes. It has also developed a political role by backing a parliamentary bloc with six seats.

Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada, led by Abu Alaa al-Walaei, is represented within the Coordination Framework, the ruling Shiite alliance with a parliamentary majority. Harakat al-Nujaba, by contrast, rejects political participation, favoring a purely military approach.

Asaib Ahl al-Haq has so far avoided direct involvement in the current fighting, focusing instead on political influence through its 27-seat bloc. It is widely seen as gradually distancing itself from its armed role.

Strategy of Attrition

Attacks have extended beyond the US Embassy in Baghdad and its airport facilities to include oil fields operated by foreign companies and sites in the Kurdistan Region, which hosts a major US consulate and military forces. The impact has also spread beyond Iraq, with Kuwait previously summoning the Iraqi ambassador after strikes hit its territory.

Lahib Higel of the International Crisis Group said the factions’ involvement reflects an “existential battle” for Iran, describing them as a last line of defense. Despite their use of drones and short-range missiles, she said Tehran continues to withhold heavier weapons compared with those supplied to Hezbollah or the Houthis. The ultimate aim, she added, is to expel US forces from Iraq.

Wave of Assassinations

The United States and Israel have responded with precision strikes. Early in the conflict, airstrikes targeted Kataib Hezbollah strongholds in Jurf al-Sakhr, south of Baghdad, as well as sites linked to the Popular Mobilization Forces.

According to Agence France-Presse, at least 43 fighters from these groups have been killed since the start of operations. The escalation peaked last Saturday when a missile struck a house in central Baghdad, killing three Kataib Hezbollah members, including a senior commander, and wounding the group’s leader, Abu Hussein al-Hamidawi.

An Iraqi security official said the wave of assassinations that began during the Gaza war in 2023 has now moved openly into Iraq, signaling a new phase of intensified confrontation.


Israel Tests Lebanon’s Internal Cohesion

A rescue worker carries a child at the scene of an Israeli airstrike in central Beirut, Lebanon, Wednesday, March 18, 2026. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
A rescue worker carries a child at the scene of an Israeli airstrike in central Beirut, Lebanon, Wednesday, March 18, 2026. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
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Israel Tests Lebanon’s Internal Cohesion

A rescue worker carries a child at the scene of an Israeli airstrike in central Beirut, Lebanon, Wednesday, March 18, 2026. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
A rescue worker carries a child at the scene of an Israeli airstrike in central Beirut, Lebanon, Wednesday, March 18, 2026. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)

Israel has widened its campaign in Lebanon to include central Beirut, launching a series of pre-dawn airstrikes on Wednesday, followed hours later by a strike on a residential apartment in the Zoqaq al-Blat district.

The attacks mark a clear expansion of targets within the capital.

Lebanon’s Ministry of Public Health said strikes on the Basta and Zoqaq al-Blat neighborhoods killed 10 people and wounded 27 others. Four areas were hit, including Bashoura, Basta and Zoqaq al-Blat.

Several buildings that had been targeted in recent days were struck again, in what appears to be a deliberate escalation strategy aimed at repeatedly hitting the same sites until they are fully disabled.

The latest strikes signal the effective end of what had been known as the “Beirut exception,” with the capital directly drawn into the confrontation.

MP Mohammad Khawaja told Asharq Al-Awsat that Israel does not distinguish between areas within Lebanon.

“This strategy aims to create internal tensions, particularly in mixed areas, thereby increasing social pressure,” he stated.

He added that targeting civilians or civilian areas “has occurred in Beirut before, and may well be repeated.”

Khawaja said the attacks “directly target Lebanon’s social fabric by deepening divisions and creating tensions among the Lebanese,” adding that the most effective response is “to uphold national principles and strengthen internal unity.”

 

A fireball rises from the site of an Israeli airstrike that targeted a building in Beirut's Bashoura neighbourhood early on March 18, 2026. (Photo by FADEL itani / AFP)

For his part, MP Ibrahim Mneimneh said Israel is seeking to exert all-out pressure on Hezbollah, including by leveraging Lebanon’s internal situation as a tool of social pressure.

“Targeting Beirut is not limited to pursuing specific individuals,” he said. “It is also part of an attempt to create internal fractures and push Lebanese against one another, increasing pressure on Hezbollah’s support base.”

Beirut, he added, is bearing a double burden as a capital hosting displaced people while also facing mounting security pressure and direct targeting.

Mneimneh warned that Beirut is no longer exempt from escalation and that this pattern is likely to continue in the coming period. He stressed the need to control any elements that could be used as a pretext for further strikes, in order to protect civilians and reduce exposure to risk.

The deputy added that the confrontation appears open-ended, with both Israel and Hezbollah holding to their positions, placing Lebanon and its people among the primary victims.

Retired Brig. Gen. Bassam Yassin said Israeli strikes on Beirut “are not governed by geographic considerations or red lines.”

He described a policy of “open pressure,” with Israel striking “wherever it chooses, without distinction.”


Syria Unveils Plan to Eliminate Assad’s Chemical Weapons

Permanent Representative of Syria to the United Nations, Ibrahim Olabi (L), speaks during a Security Council meeting discussing Syria and the Middle East at United Nations headquarters in New York, New York, USA, 18 March 2026. (EPA)
Permanent Representative of Syria to the United Nations, Ibrahim Olabi (L), speaks during a Security Council meeting discussing Syria and the Middle East at United Nations headquarters in New York, New York, USA, 18 March 2026. (EPA)
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Syria Unveils Plan to Eliminate Assad’s Chemical Weapons

Permanent Representative of Syria to the United Nations, Ibrahim Olabi (L), speaks during a Security Council meeting discussing Syria and the Middle East at United Nations headquarters in New York, New York, USA, 18 March 2026. (EPA)
Permanent Representative of Syria to the United Nations, Ibrahim Olabi (L), speaks during a Security Council meeting discussing Syria and the Middle East at United Nations headquarters in New York, New York, USA, 18 March 2026. (EPA)

Syria on Wednesday launched a plan supported by Washington to rid the Middle Eastern country of legacy chemical weapons that were used against its people by forces under ousted leader Bashar al-Assad.

For decades, Assad ran a large-scale program for chemical weapons, the use of which killed and injured thousands during Syria's long-running civil war. Despite Damascus' signing onto the Chemical Weapons Convention in 2013 and declaring a 1,300-ton stockpile, prohibited use continued and the size of the program remains ‌unclear.

An international taskforce ‌backed by the United States, Germany, Britain, Canada and ‌France, ⁠among others, will ⁠track down all remaining elements of the program and destroy them under the supervision of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, Syria's ambassador to the United Nations, Ibrahim Olabi, said in an interview.

As many as 100 sites in Syria need to be inspected to determine what toxic munitions remain and how they should be destroyed, OPCW experts have said. It will require a time-consuming and costly ⁠operation to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction ‌in a region fraught with conflict and ‌political turmoil.

The expanding US-Israeli war on Iran and broader regional security concerns will make the ‌timing of the mission uncertain, but all the more necessary to prevent ‌future use, officials said.

GOVERNMENT VOWS FULL ACCESS

Assad was overthrown in December 2024, and the new government under President Ahmed al-Sharaa has vowed to turn a page and eradicate banned chemical weapons and give inspectors full access.

The move shows that Syria has ‌shifted from a country that was once concealing chemical weapons use to one that is "leading the resolve" to do ⁠away with them, ⁠Olabi said.

Several international investigations concluded that the nerve agent sarin, as well as chlorine and sulfur mustard gas, was used by the Assad regime, but never revealed the full extent of the clandestine program.

"We don't know what's remaining. It was a secret program," Olabi said. "The job is on Syria to basically look for these things and then declare them."

A diplomatic source, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the sensitive matter, said the 100 sites could be anything from military bases to laboratories or offices.

"It will probably take many months if not years to get it done, and of course the current situation in the Middle East doesn’t help the process to move forward to the actual destruction of any remnants of Assad‘s chemical weapons program," the source said.