Israeli Army Accepts Limited Results of Gaza War but Extremists Refuse

Two Israeli soldiers inside Gaza (AFP)
Two Israeli soldiers inside Gaza (AFP)
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Israeli Army Accepts Limited Results of Gaza War but Extremists Refuse

Two Israeli soldiers inside Gaza (AFP)
Two Israeli soldiers inside Gaza (AFP)

A large part of the Israeli political and military leadership began to realize that the goals set for the war in Gaza were unrealistic and inapplicable and are open to "getting out of the war with limited results," according to political and security sources in Tel Aviv.
However, the far-right members of the army reject a ceasefire and aspire to seize the historic opportunity to liquidate the Palestinian cause.
The sources said that Israel is witnessing a severe, unprecedented situation of unprofessional influences on the army.
On the one hand, army leaders are convinced of the necessity of making a turn in the war, a desire they share with the US administration and the generals in the government's war cabinet. On the other hand, the right-wing government is pressuring them through various means, forcing them to make unprofessional decisions that would cost a heavy price.
The army requested an extraordinary increase to the 2024 budget, which was scheduled before the war to amount to 68 billion shekels, but the government said it would only increase it to 85 billion shekels.
The cabinet informed the army that it would establish an external committee to examine its needs, meaning the government was taking its time.
The deteriorating security situation is a pressure tool the army uses to obtain a budget increase.
If the army believes it should stop the war in Gaza, the government's action is to keep the war going until it decides the budget.
On Friday, Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper published a report revealing that the commander of the forces in Gaza, Brigadier General Barak Hiram, ordered a system similar to the "Hannibal Directive.
The procedure is an Israeli military protocol that stipulates the use of maximum force to prevent the capture of soldiers at all costs, even at the cost of the death of the soldier.
Hiram ordered his officers to fire on all cars transporting prisoners to Gaza. This led to considering dismissing him or replacing him with another commander when Israel declared war, but the army did not do so.
Hiram is a settler in the West Bank, and the army feared a political attack on him from the far right.
Nahum Barnea, a political analyst in Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper, wondered how Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ministers would bridge the gap between the irresponsible expectations they have set and the difficult decisions before them.
Barnea revealed a new proposal for hostage swap along with a three-month ceasefire agreement, with implementation to be gradual.
The agreement will include the release of all hostages, both alive and deceased, in stages, with the first stage being humanitarian, including the release of the sick, wounded, and elderly hostages as a top priority.
In return, thousands of Palestinian prisoners will be liberated, including prisoners with long sentences.
The demands include a significant increase in humanitarian aid provided to the Gaza Strip, the return of residents to the northern area of the Strip, the withdrawal of Israeli army forces, and the establishment of an internationally funded administration for the reconstruction of Gaza from its ruins.
It also includes Hamas's partnership in controlling the Gaza Strip in the future.
Barnea added that there are rumors denied by Doha, which state that the Qatari proposal includes the departure of the Hamas leadership from the Gaza Strip, including Yahya Sinwar and Mohammed Deif.
It seems that Israel spread this rumor as a similarity to the departure of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), led by Yasser Arafat, from Beirut in 1982.
However, the journalist indicated that Gaza is not Beirut, and unlike Arafat, Sinwar is not looking for refuge in the diaspora but is preparing for victory celebrations in Gaza.
Barnea warned that conditions may change and negotiations may explode because there are those at the political and military levels who prefer to remove the issue of kidnapped persons from the agenda.
They claim the kidnapped persons are an obstacle and will hinder the forces in the field and strengthen Hamas' power.
Barnea confirms that the far-right representatives in the government believe the events of Oct. 7 were not a disaster but rather a historic opportunity for Israel to occupy all of Gaza and bring settlers.
In the worst-case scenario, no deal will be reached, and the Israeli army will remain stuck in Gaza without a plan, with nearly two million displaced people who have nowhere to go, said Barnea.
He indicated that the situation is dire with an exhausted US administration, kidnapped persons who will not survive, evacuated settlers who will not be able to return to their homes, an economy in crisis, a discredited budget, and a political establishment only concerned with itself.

 

 



Western Warnings about Muslim Brotherhood Bolster Egypt’s Crackdown on Group

The Muslim Brotherhood’s headquarters after being set ablaze in Cairo in the summer of 2013. (Getty Images)
The Muslim Brotherhood’s headquarters after being set ablaze in Cairo in the summer of 2013. (Getty Images)
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Western Warnings about Muslim Brotherhood Bolster Egypt’s Crackdown on Group

The Muslim Brotherhood’s headquarters after being set ablaze in Cairo in the summer of 2013. (Getty Images)
The Muslim Brotherhood’s headquarters after being set ablaze in Cairo in the summer of 2013. (Getty Images)

US President Donald Trump’s warnings about the Muslim Brotherhood could strengthen Egypt’s efforts to restrict the group’s activities at home and abroad, researchers told Asharq Al-Awsat, following a series of Egyptian and Western measures targeting its networks.

Speaking to Salem News Channel on Thursday, Trump said the Brotherhood posed risks extending to the United States and Europe. Asked whether it or communists were more dangerous, he described both as major threats but suggested the Brotherhood currently posed the greater danger.

Mounir Adib, a researcher specializing in extremist movements and international terrorism, said Trump’s remarks reflected growing Western awareness of transnational networks.

Their significance lay in their timing, as Washington increasingly moved beyond warnings toward legal and financial measures against specific Brotherhood branches, he added.

Adib said the shift reinforced Egypt’s longstanding position that the organization uses institutions and affiliated entities to advance its political objectives.

Hesham al-Naggar, a researcher specializing in jihadist groups, described Trump’s comments as recognition of Egypt’s approach since 2013, although he considered Western measures insufficient.

He said Cairo’s initial efforts to dismantle the Brotherhood domestically and pursue its overseas networks encountered Western resistance, partly because of earlier expectations surrounding political Islam.

Attitudes have since shifted, including among some left-wing intellectuals, he noted.

On November 24, 2025, Trump signed an executive order directing the State and Treasury departments to consider terrorist designations for Brotherhood branches in Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon.

In January, Washington designated the Egyptian and Jordanian branches as Specially Designated Global Terrorists, while the Lebanese branch was also designated a Foreign Terrorist Organization.

The Sudanese Brotherhood received terrorist designations in March.

In May, the Trump administration outlined a counterterrorism strategy focusing on the Brotherhood as what it described as an ideological source of modern jihadist terrorism.

Argentina also designated the Egyptian, Jordanian and Lebanese branches earlier this year, while the European Parliament approved an October 8 resolution calling for a common EU strategy against Brotherhood networks.

Adib said these developments strengthened Cairo’s case for targeting financing channels and overseas operations, but stressed that international cooperation should rely on intelligence, evidence and legal procedures rather than political labels alone.

Al-Naggar said even limited Western measures would reinforce Egypt’s efforts.

Trump’s remarks followed Egypt’s decision to place the Brotherhood permanently on its terrorism list under a final court ruling published in the Official Gazette on Monday, after years of temporary designations.

Several Brotherhood leaders, including Supreme Guide Mohamed Badie, remain imprisoned in cases involving violence, terrorism and murder.

The following day, a Cairo criminal court issued a first-instance ruling placing 35 entities and 36 individuals based in Europe on Egypt’s terrorism lists for five years.

Adib said the next phase could bring closer US-European cooperation in intelligence sharing, monitoring financial flows and reviewing organizations linked to prohibited activities.

Al-Naggar called for a broader international response, including stronger security and intelligence cooperation, arguing that the issue extended beyond the Arab region to global security and stability.


PMF-Led Government Committee Enters Iraq’s Jurf al-Sakhar

Members of the committee in Jurf al-Sakhar on Friday in this photo released by platforms close to the PMF.
Members of the committee in Jurf al-Sakhar on Friday in this photo released by platforms close to the PMF.
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PMF-Led Government Committee Enters Iraq’s Jurf al-Sakhar

Members of the committee in Jurf al-Sakhar on Friday in this photo released by platforms close to the PMF.
Members of the committee in Jurf al-Sakhar on Friday in this photo released by platforms close to the PMF.

An Iraqi security committee began investigating suspected fuel smuggling in Jurf al-Sakhar, north of the Babil province, on Friday, amid mounting tensions between the government and Kataib Hezbollah over the area and efforts to bring weapons under state control.

Troops deployed around the area to secure the committee’s entry, but political mediation reportedly halted their advance amid disagreements over how the investigation would proceed.

Footage showed a large military deployment before committee members met commanders believed to be from the pro-Iran Kataib Hezbollah. Sabereen News, an outlet close to armed factions, broadcast a Kataib Hezbollah commander addressing Interior Ministry officers.

Security Media Cell chief Saad Maan denied that political groups or armed factions were represented on the committee, saying it had begun fieldwork early Friday.

A security source told Shafaq News that the committee conducted an initial inspection after agreeing with faction representatives on investigative procedures and field visits.

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi formed the committee Thursday, placing it under the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). Its members represent the prime minister’s office, intelligence and anti-corruption bodies, the Oil Ministry, security agencies, forensic authorities and the Energy Police.

The November 12 order was signed by Lt. Gen. Abdul Amir al-Shammari, director of the commander-in-chief’s office.

The decision followed a three-hour meeting between al-Zaidi, Badr Organization leader Hadi al-Amiri, PMF chairman Falih al-Fayyadh and chief of staff Abdul Aziz al-Muhammadawi, known as Abu Fadak.

According to Shafaq News, al-Zaidi demanded enforcement of Iraqi law against offenders, while al-Amiri and al-Fayyadh proposed giving the parties concerned time to reorganize and resume dialogue over weapons.

The proposal included continuing negotiations through a four-member committee seeking to resolve disputes and preserve stability.

A government adviser told Asharq Al-Awsat that Baghdad’s changing approach reflected the armed groups’ growing political influence.

“The state is not merely confronting forces that possess weapons; these forces have also become capable of influencing political decision-making,” the adviser said.

The government prioritizes restoring sovereignty without confronting society or its communities, he stressed.

Disputes over Kataib Hezbollah had already disrupted a planned Monday meeting between al-Zaidi and Coordination Framework leaders, while negotiations over bringing weapons under state control had produced no progress.

Separately, Babil Governor Ali Turki, affiliated with Asaib Ahl al-Haq, resigned after publicly denying oil smuggling in Jurf al-Sakhar.

Informed sources said his remarks were made without the federal government’s knowledge or coordination with Asaib’s leadership, prompting movement chief Qais al-Khazali to order his resignation.

Jurf al-Sakhar has been a major armed-faction stronghold since 2014. It is believed to contain military camps, prisons, weapons depots and rocket and drone manufacturing facilities.

Many also believe the area serves as an operations center for Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps, an allegation denied by faction representatives and parties in Iraq’s governing coalition.


Lebanese Army Seizes Weapons Cache in Beirut’s Southern Suburbs, Raising Questions about Their Origins

The seized weapons in this photo released by the Lebanese Army.
The seized weapons in this photo released by the Lebanese Army.
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Lebanese Army Seizes Weapons Cache in Beirut’s Southern Suburbs, Raising Questions about Their Origins

The seized weapons in this photo released by the Lebanese Army.
The seized weapons in this photo released by the Lebanese Army.

The Lebanese Army seized a large cache of weapons and ammunition during a raid on a warehouse in Musharrafieh, in Beirut’s southern suburbs.

Although the warehouse does not appear to belong to Hezbollah, the operation drew attention because it took place in the group’s stronghold, reviving debate over the state’s efforts to impose monopoly on arms.

The army said the raid followed “surveillance and monitoring of activities linked to weapons transportation and trafficking.” The seized weapons and ammunition were handed over, and an investigation into a detained suspect was launched under judicial supervision.

The army arrested a Lebanese citizen identified by the initials “A.A.” Its statement did not identify the warehouse’s owner or indicate any organizational affiliation.

According to information obtained by Asharq Al-Awsat, the owner belongs to a family from the Chiyah area and went into hiding immediately after the raid.

Retired Brig. Gen. Fadi Daoud told Asharq Al-Awsat that the raid was a preemptive security operation based on surveillance rather than a reaction to an immediate incident.

He noted that the army’s statement referred to weapons trafficking and transportation without attributing the warehouse to any particular organization.

“We therefore cannot hold any specific party responsible before the investigation is completed,” he said.

Daoud also warned that storing ammunition in the densely populated southern suburbs posed a direct threat to residents.

“This raid carries a dual message: domestically, that weapons fall exclusively under state authority, and internationally, that the army is serious and capable,” he said.

He described the raid as part of a broader process that began with the government’s decision to establish a state monopoly on arms, stressing the importance of awaiting the investigation’s findings and applying the same standards across all regions.

“The army has once again demonstrated its capabilities and will continue this approach consistently and transparently,” he added.

Possible sources

Military affairs observer Mustafa al-Asaad examined photographs of the seized weapons and suggested that the collection was more consistent with the activities of an experienced arms dealer than with preparations for direct military confrontation.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, he considered it unlikely that the weapons formed part of military shipments sent from Iran to Lebanon.

“The variety of the weapons on display and their different origins indicate that the dealer does not rely on a single source but has an extensive network of contacts allowing him to obtain various types of firearms,” he said.

Al-Asaad noted that some of the pistols visible in the photographs are legally imported into Lebanon through established channels, while others appeared to have been smuggled or stolen from Iraq.

He pointed in particular to several Glock pistols, especially beige-colored models, resembling firearms used by Iraqi military and security agencies, including the police, army and special forces.

They may have reached Lebanon through a smuggling route from Iraq via Syria, although he cautioned that their origins could not be established without examining their serial numbers and identifying marks.

Al-Asaad also drew attention to a gold-plated Kalashnikov rifle, suggesting that some of the dealer’s customers might be collectors seeking distinctive firearms rather than weapons for combat.

He said the variety and quantity of weapons indicated considerable experience and connections within Lebanon’s arms trade, which has operated through established networks for decades.

Grenades and night-vision equipment

Al-Asaad also identified hand grenades and materials that could be used to manufacture explosives, although the quantities visible did not suggest an unusually large stockpile.

The collection included scopes and night-vision equipment used for military purposes but also available on the arms market.

He pointed to small automatic firearms resembling pistols, including models from the Skorpion family, which have historically been used in assassinations, including during the 1980s.

However, he stressed that their presence did not indicate preparations for assassinations, as such weapons could also appeal to collectors.

Al-Asaad compared the cache with arms seized by the Lebanese Army during previous raids in the Bekaa Valley, including rocket launchers and anti-armor weapons more clearly associated with direct military use.

He said that the latest photographs did not show any particularly unusual weapons that would be difficult to obtain on the Lebanese market.