Votel to Asharq Al-Awsat: US Deterred Iran in Iraq, Syria… It Could in Yemen

A handout photo made available by German Armed Forces shows a C-130 of the bi-national German-French squadron “Rhein/Rhin” drops relief supplies over the Gaza Strip, 16 March 2024. (EPA/Sherifa Kaestner / German Armed Forces / Handout)
A handout photo made available by German Armed Forces shows a C-130 of the bi-national German-French squadron “Rhein/Rhin” drops relief supplies over the Gaza Strip, 16 March 2024. (EPA/Sherifa Kaestner / German Armed Forces / Handout)
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Votel to Asharq Al-Awsat: US Deterred Iran in Iraq, Syria… It Could in Yemen

A handout photo made available by German Armed Forces shows a C-130 of the bi-national German-French squadron “Rhein/Rhin” drops relief supplies over the Gaza Strip, 16 March 2024. (EPA/Sherifa Kaestner / German Armed Forces / Handout)
A handout photo made available by German Armed Forces shows a C-130 of the bi-national German-French squadron “Rhein/Rhin” drops relief supplies over the Gaza Strip, 16 March 2024. (EPA/Sherifa Kaestner / German Armed Forces / Handout)

The dire humanitarian situation in Gaza constitutes a major point of contention between the United States and Israel, General Joseph Votel, the former commander of the US Central Command, said in an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, adding that Israel has eliminated 20 to 30 percent of Hamas so far.  

The four-star General said that the Houthis attacks against navigation in the Red Sea have become a “major problem.” He suggested an increase in the assets of the U.S. military in the region to make it “extremely painful” for the Houthis and Iran, to stop their attacks against the ships and international navigation in the Red Sea, noting that the United States recently “deterred” Iran from continuing its militia attacks in both Iraq and Syria against American forces and interests in the region.  

Votel said he believes that “there is no interest’ for Israel or Hezbollah in a full confrontation. He also expressed "concern" about the ongoing discussions regarding the withdrawal of American forces stationed in Iraq, which could also affect the presence of the US forces in Syria.  

Here is the full interview:  

* Let me start from the situation in Gaza, because the President tried to arrange for some ceasefire during Ramadan. Apparently, it's not the case. And probably that would have some implications from the military perspective, including on the US forces in the region. Your insights, please.  

I think everybody can agree that Israel needs to do what it needs to do to protect itself from the threat of Hamas, but I think a large part of the disagreement from our government standpoint is that the military operation does not seem to take into consideration the extreme humanitarian situation that is playing out on the ground.  

Nearly 80-90 percent of the population of Gaza has been displaced by this conflict, and a military operation while necessary, must also take place in the context of planning and coordinating and synchronizing with the humanitarian community to ensure that we don't we don't exacerbate the humanitarian situation and make things worse than they already are. So, I think this has been the major sticking point between the United States government and the government of Israel toward coming operations particularly in the southern part of Gaza in and around Rafah.  

Humanitarian challenge  

*If you were in the same position you were previously, and had the President needed your advice on the situation, what would say?

I think that some of the actions that we’ve seen by the administration reflects some of the advice that would be provided. For example, one of the things that I would try to emphasize is that we should do those things that are within our capacity to do, like delivering aid by air or by the sea. That's an appropriate thing for us to do. It helps demonstrate that we are attuned to the humanitarian situation, and we are trying to take measures to remedy it, and hopefully these means will provide a way to perhaps address the broader challenge of humanitarian issues in Gaza.

I think secondly, it's important to make sure that we are maintaining very good communications, not just with the Israelis, but with our other partners on the region, and across the region, to make sure that we are sharing best insights and then we are preserving relationships going forward. I am concerned that some of the political discourse that is taking place could be affecting some of the effectiveness of our military to military or intelligence community to intelligence community relationships. So, those are very important.  

Third, I would be encouraging the administration to be stronger against those activities that are outside of the Gaza area, for example, what's happening in the Red Sea. This has become a big problem.   

Not enough  

*While the US is trying to make some arrangements for humanitarian aid either by air or by sea, humanitarian organizations and the UN are saying that this is not enough to prevent famine. After five months of war, what has Benjamin Netanyahu have achieved other than this humanitarian crisis and the destruction of the strip?

I agree that airdrops of humanitarian food supplies are not going to be enough to address the problem. They are a start, and they will address some small portion of the problem. But again, the most effective way of addressing humanitarian situation will be to open up ground lines of communication, ground routes with non-government organizations, UN organizations, other humanitarian aid organizations who can be on the ground to distribute and make sure these materials get to the people that are needed, and can assess the progress we're making. So yes, I do agree what we are doing while it's necessary, it's insufficient to the to the need.

The over the shore option that we're not looking at for bringing up aid through a temporary port has the potential to have more impact. But again, it is just one other way of getting things in there. And there needs to be much more effort put into getting the right organizations on the ground to make sure the aid gets to where it is most needed. I agree with you that it is a humanitarian disaster.  

As to the leader of Israel, Mr. Netanyahu, my own personal opinion here is that what would they have accomplished so far, is they have removed a significant, or at least a good portion of Hamas' ability to effectively attack into Israel. They have neutralized a percentage of the of the Hamas fighters. I've seen estimates 20 to 30 percent.  

*Would you advise the President to put more pressure on Israel in order to try to alleviate this humanitarian disaster? This would have some military implications because the US is the main provider of arms to Israel.

I'm not sure I'm there on making a decision to stop providing all support to Israel. I'm not sure I'm there on that, or I would recommend that. I think the United States is putting a lot of pressure on the Israeli government, on the Prime Minister in particular. I mean War Cabinet Minister Benny Ganz was in Washington last week, and met with a number of our national leaders here. The President by the day has become more strident and more critical of the approach that the Netanyahu government is taking, to how they're conducting operations in Gaza.

I think it's important to keep that pressure up to try to change that. But I also think the United States has to continue to work, to connect all the different parties here, whether it is Hamas and in Israel to try to come to some kind of temporary or permanent ceasefire or some resolution of the hostage situation, or continuing to open up easier ways to get humanitarian aid into the people of Gaza. I think these are three areas where the United States should be continuing to push, and continuing to put pressure not just on Israel, but on Hamas and the backers of Hamas as well. I think it's important to make sure that we are putting equal pressure in all directions here.

Resistance Axis

*On the regional, or probably international dimensions of this conflict in the Red Sea. It seems to me, and probably this is silly to say, that the Houthis are happy that they are fighting America.

I think this is true. So far, the Houthis have derived more benefit by perpetrating these attacks than they have felt the effects of the pressure that we’ve put on them. While there have been a number of strikes that we have conducted and the British have conducted against coastal defense sites, against supply depots, against command and control nodes, they have not been to a level that has convinced the Houthis that they have more to lose than they have to gain by continuing to push these attacks and conduct these attacks. We've just seen waves and waves of them just over this last weekend, a lot of them launched at US military vessels that are operating in the Red Sea.  

So until we are able to do something that convinces the Houthis that the cost of continuing to have to take these attacks or launch these attacks, the cost associated that outweighs the benefit, they will likely continue to do this. And they are deriving a benefit from this. They are there in the news. They have had a significant impact on global shipping through the Red Sea; somewhere between 80 and 90 percent of it has stopped.  

They're being viewed as a group that is standing up against the United States and other Western powers, and they're being seen as a very good and loyal member of Iran's Axis of Resistance. So right now, all of these things are more beneficial to them than the cost associated with the strikes that we have done against them. So we either have to ramp things up and really go after this, and make it very painful for them and Iran who is supporting them, or we have to live with the fact that we're going to deal with these threats for a long time, for until the situation in Gaza is resolved.

*What is your main concern on the situation in the Red Sea for the time being?

 My main answer is that we have to go after the supplier routes and facilitation routes that are continuing to provide the Houthis with all the materials that they have. They’ve been getting these materials for years. So, they have a large supply on the ground. So, while we destroy some things, it's relatively easily replaced. If we want to stop this, we have to cut them off. And we have to go after those facilitators largely at the best of Iran, who are bringing materials into that country. We need to prevent them from doing that. And then in conjunction with our ongoing strike campaign, reduce their ability to launch these attacks. I think that's what we have to do. So that will require more resources. It'll require more focus, it'll likely require more combat to do that.  

These are all things that our government would weigh in when making a decision like this. But in order to address this effectively, we will have to commit more resources, and take more effort to shut this down completely, not just protect ourselves. Just shut down the ability of the Houthis to conduct these types of attacks.

Israel and Hezbollah

*And that might risk the US slipping into a war…

Well, it could. It would certainly require us to deploy more resources into the region that would draw get away from other things that are important to us, and likely could get us involved in more of a protracted conflict with the Houthis or, you know, maybe with Iran over something like this or others in the region. There are definitely risks that are associated with this, and as you know, there's risks involved in everything.  

*Another hot point is the border between Israel and Lebanon. And it's just simmering there, and we don't know what's going to happen in the in the near future, if the Gaza war doesn't stop.

My assessment is that both sides in this case the Lebanese Hezbollah and the Israeli government, neither of them want to have a confrontation along the northern border. That's in no one's interests. Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah certainly remembers what happened there the last time when there was an Israeli incursion into Lebanon. The amount of destruction that resulted in, and the pressure that was put on him from the rest of the Lebanese government, and the broader population largely because of the policies that he was pursuing. There is no strong desire to do that.  

That said, Hezbollah will continue to hedge their bets, and they will continue to conduct harassing attacks to make it difficult for Israeli citizens to come back into their homes near the border, and that will continue to put more pressure on Netanyahu. They see it in their interest to continue to launch a few strikes here, a few strikes there, that aren’t overly effective, but which are constant reminders that Lebanese Hezbollah can impact things in Israel.  

It's important that we try to get this back to more of a status quo, where there are very few attacks across the border, and people can go back to living their lives in these areas. I don't know that there's going to be a particularly big breakthrough politically here. I think the best case would be going back to the status quo to the situation before October 7.

*Israel wants Hezbollah to be pushed away from the border.

That's unlikely to happen as well.

*On Syria and Iraq, the US Army posture in both countries and the ramifications of what's going on in Gaza, what do you think?

We've absorbed a lot of attacks here from Iranian allied militias in both Iraq and Syria. That seems to have dropped off since we conducted a series of strikes several weeks ago.

I think Iran has seen that they are vulnerable in this area, and they have recognized that they have a lot to lose by continuing to push these attacks and in potentially put more American lives at risk in the in the region. I think we've been successful in beginning to deter that and trying to return it to a more normal situation. I am concerned about the ongoing discussions that are taking place in Iraq, and to some degree with the United States over the disposition of US troops in Iraq.  

It's my personal view that those troops, about 2,500 or so, that are in Iraq for the purpose of helping the Iraqi security forces with the remnants of ISIS are doing good work, doing important work for Iraq, and important work for the United States. I am concerned that these discussions may lead to the departure of US forces, and as a result, less of a focus on ISIS and other terrorist organizations that may arise in the region. I think the conditions are still around that would allow an organization to do what ISIS did and rise and come back.  

I think the role of the United States plan is helping prevent that right now. I'm concerned that if we have to depart, that becomes much, much more difficult to do, and that raises the risk for the region. Departing from Iraq will have an impact on our troops in Syria as well. They derive a lot of their support from our bases in Iraq and if those are gone, then it will be very difficult to sustain, or we will have to find new ways to sustain our troops and in Syria. There could be some effects in that country as well.

Edge of the abyss

*No matter how you look at the map or the picture in the region; Gaza, Yemen, Red Sea, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, you’d see Iran somehow in the picture. And you right on saying that the US strikes a few weeks ago were kind of effective in deterring Iran. Is that the way that Iran should be dealt with in order to try to contain the mayhem in the Middle East?

The best approach to creating a more stable situation in the Middle East, of course, is diplomatic relations, and opening ties and communication between different parts of the region. The United States has had some efforts in the past to try to reach out to the Iranians; we did this through the nuclear discussion talks that took place.  

Again, we had some different policies in our government that contributed to some of the confusion around this as well. But I think what's important for the long term is that the United States has to take a sustainable approach to the region. We have to be willing to commit some amount of military force to the region to look after our security interest. But more importantly, we have to make sure we're putting in the diplomatic informational and economic aspects into the region that better also as the as equally important as the military one is.  

We’ve got to foster conversations, we've got to foster discussions, we've got to change the nature of the discussion, from one of Iran against the United States, to one of how do we bring Iran into the region effectively. They’ve been around a long time. They are historic country in this part of the region. Their role should be one that is more constructive for the region. And that's only going to be done through diplomatic discourse between the various parties there. We've got to continue to emphasize all that. We've got to be willing to stick with it, and start to address some of these long-term underlying issues of the region.

I mean, we're seeing right now the whole Palestinian issue that has erupted now as a result of an underlying issue that we've known about for decades, we've known as a problem. And now it has come to the head, and it's now brought the region back to the brink. So if there's one good thing that comes out of this, perhaps it is that we can, from this move forward on some way to address the status and the situation of the Palestinians in the Middle East for the long term here. The United States obviously has a policy of the two-state solution, but we have to move forward and address some of these deep underlying tensions and issues of the region, and we need to do it before a crisis arises. 



Why Does Trump Favor Iraq’s Al-Zaidi?

New Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Ali al-Zaidi, uses a phone at his office in Baghdad, Iraq, April 28, 2026. (Iraqi Prime Minister’s Media Office/Handout via Reuters).
New Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Ali al-Zaidi, uses a phone at his office in Baghdad, Iraq, April 28, 2026. (Iraqi Prime Minister’s Media Office/Handout via Reuters).
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Why Does Trump Favor Iraq’s Al-Zaidi?

New Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Ali al-Zaidi, uses a phone at his office in Baghdad, Iraq, April 28, 2026. (Iraqi Prime Minister’s Media Office/Handout via Reuters).
New Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Ali al-Zaidi, uses a phone at his office in Baghdad, Iraq, April 28, 2026. (Iraqi Prime Minister’s Media Office/Handout via Reuters).

Iraq’s ruling Coordination Framework has been on an intriguing journey that started with the United States’ adamant rejection of former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki being appointed to head a new government and that ended with President Donald Trump personally congratulating Ali al-Zaidi on his appointment as PM-designate earlier this week.

On January 27, Trump threatened to cut US support to Iraq if Maliki returned to power. After 93 days, the Shiite forces in Iraq were surprised when Trump congratulated al-Zaidi and urged him to form a government that is free of “terrorism”. He even received an invitation to visit Washington.

Iran has yet to comment on any of these developments.

Trump’s envoy to Syria Tom Barrack had telephoned al-Zaidi on Tuesday ahead of Trump’s telephone call to the PM-designate, a banker who, with Shiite consensus, has become the face of a potential and still ambiguous American deal.

Normally, pro-Iran factions in Iraq don’t let such friendly American contacts go without a fierce wave of criticism against any attempt to normalize ties with Washington, the perceived great enemy. That did not happen.

On the contrary, the hawks of the so-called “Resistance Axis” are preoccupied with giving the new PM-designate advice over including “strong” figures in his cabinet lineup to ensure its success. They have already sent him numerous possible candidates.

Al-Zaidi was named to his post just two hours after his name was floated in the media. His name appeared out of nowhere just days after commander of Iran’s Quds Force Esmail Qaani visited Baghdad. It remains to be seen if Qaani had imposed his conditions or surrendered to a deal that is beyond Iran’s control.

Al-Zaidi's designation took place as Iraq finds itself caught between the US-Iran conflict with each country trying to impose its influence over Baghdad. The appointment could have been a victory of one party against the other.

The American veto over Maliki had limited the Coordination Framework’s options and forced it into a battle of wills with Washington. With the eruption of the conflict with Iran, al-Zaidi's name was floated as a possible candidate and way out. An evident deal was reached that led to his designation and it continues to raise questions.

Observers believe that the appointment is the beginning of a broader deal that may have intrigued Trump.

Sources said that al-Zaidi did not appear out of nowhere in the Framework and that he was actually always there as a “winning card” that can be used by influential parties.

Other sources said that al-Zaidi now faces two possibilities: His proposed cabinet lineup will fail to receive the parliament’s vote of confidence, giving the Framework room to catch its breath in the political impasse and line up other options.

This is viewed as a scenario that outgoing Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani could come up with.

The second possibility would be for the lineup to win the vote of confidence and for al-Zaidi to lead a transitional phase of two years or less. Observers have suggested that early elections could be held during this period. This scenario favors influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr.

There also lies a third possibility that al-Zaidi was indeed designated through an American deal amid rumors that the US is seeking to limit China’s influence in the region.

The way Trump congratulated al-Zaidi suggests that Washington may have won something major in return from Baghdad. Or it could mean that Iran’s influence in Iraq had gotten so weak that it allowed major players in Baghdad to seize the reins and do what was necessary, including appointing al-Zaidi, to avoid US economic sanctions that would only further isolate Iraq and Iran.


Hamas, Israel Exchange Views over Latest Gaza Roadmap

A displaced Palestinian child play inside a car destroyed during the Israel-Hamas war in the Bureij refugee camp, in the central Gaza Strip on May 1, 2026. (AFP)
A displaced Palestinian child play inside a car destroyed during the Israel-Hamas war in the Bureij refugee camp, in the central Gaza Strip on May 1, 2026. (AFP)
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Hamas, Israel Exchange Views over Latest Gaza Roadmap

A displaced Palestinian child play inside a car destroyed during the Israel-Hamas war in the Bureij refugee camp, in the central Gaza Strip on May 1, 2026. (AFP)
A displaced Palestinian child play inside a car destroyed during the Israel-Hamas war in the Bureij refugee camp, in the central Gaza Strip on May 1, 2026. (AFP)

Contacts and meetings between the Hamas movement, other Palestinian factions, head of the Board of Peace Nickolay Mladenov and mediators are ongoing in Cairo to reach a ceasefire agreement following the factions’ positive response to the latest proposal.

Palestinian sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Palestinian delegation informed the mediators and Mladenov that the latest proposal will be composed of 15 articles and can be the launching point for negotiations over the second phase of the ceasefire.

Two Hamas sources said the movement, with the backing of the factions, stressed the need to complete the implementation of the first phase of the ceasefire in full. This includes allowing the entry of the national committee for the management of Gaza into the enclave without delay so that it can assume its duties.

The sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the mediators and Mladenov have been handed a five-point document in response to their proposal. It calls for completing the first phase and obligating Israel to implement it in full. It also says that the factions are in agreement over the roadmap and are serious about engaging in serious negotiations over it, including the best way to implement US President Donald Trump’s main plan for Gaza.

The document also says that the issue of the weapons of factions should be tied to a comprehensive Palestinian political path and that it would be decided as part of a broader national framework seeing as it is not limited to Hamas alone.

The two sources and a third from the factions said the negotiating team asked the mediators and Mladenov for Israel’s response to the latest proposal before kicking off any negotiations over it.

Mladenov has submitted amendments to the proposal to the factions that they will study.

All the sources said that Israel’s response to the mediators’ latest proposal was negative as it clearly refuses to offer any guarantees that it would fully commit to implementing all the articles of the first phase of the ceasefire, especially those related to it ceasing its ongoing violations and withdrawing from the “Yellow Line” in Gaza.

A Palestinian source revealed to Asharq Al-Awsat that Mladenov had asked Israel on Tuesday to suspend its air raids on Gaza for 48 hours to allow the success of the Cairo talks. He did not receive a response in return, but Israel did noticeably ease its attacks on the enclave.

Israel has also allowed more trucks with humanitarian aid into Gaza in the past three days, but they are not enough to meet demand.

The sources said the Cairo talks will continue even though they were supposed to end on Friday.

One of the sources said that it appears the US is starting to pressure Israel to make progress in the negotiations, but they have yielded few results so far.

An informed Palestinian source told Asharq Al-Awsat that a senior American official from envoy Jared Kushner’s team had taken part in a meeting between Hamas and Mladenov.

The source said that Kushner himself will work on obligating Israel to implement the first phase of the ceasefire in full.


Seasonal Rainfall Deepens Yemenis’ Humanitarian Plight

Relief agencies said 200,000 people have been affected by the rainfall. (Local media)
Relief agencies said 200,000 people have been affected by the rainfall. (Local media)
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Seasonal Rainfall Deepens Yemenis’ Humanitarian Plight

Relief agencies said 200,000 people have been affected by the rainfall. (Local media)
Relief agencies said 200,000 people have been affected by the rainfall. (Local media)

Yemen is reeling from floods caused by seasonal rainfall that have swept vast swathes of the country in recent weeks, claiming dozens of lives and causing major damage in infrastructure.

Relief agencies said 200,000 people have been affected by the rainfall in April, with the number expected to rise as more rain is predicted.

Local and international assessments have said that southwestern regions of Yemen have since March witnessed heavy rain and flooding that have caused death, displacement and widespread damage in public and private property. The Mokha, Mawza, and al-Waziyah districts in Taiz and the al-Khokha and Hays districts in the Hodeidah province have been the most affected.

Several humanitarian sources said the floods have so far killed at least 24 people and affected 55,000 along the western coast regions held by the legitimate government.

Field assessments continue to determine the extent of the damage to homes, roads, water infrastructure and agricultural fields.

The number of affected people is expected to rise to some 220,000 if the rain continues, especially given the poor infrastructure and weak water drainage systems. The seasonal rainfall and ensuing floods are a recurring problem in Yemen given the weak infrastructure.

Authorities have dedicated around USD205,000 through an emergency response fund to tackle the crisis, support emergency relief operations and provide shelter to those affected.