Tunisian Judge Imposes Media Ban on Candidate for Presidential Election

Members of the honor guard stand at attention during a flag-raising in place of Kasba in Tunis, Tunisia, June 26, 2018. REUTERS/Zoubeir Souissi
Members of the honor guard stand at attention during a flag-raising in place of Kasba in Tunis, Tunisia, June 26, 2018. REUTERS/Zoubeir Souissi
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Tunisian Judge Imposes Media Ban on Candidate for Presidential Election

Members of the honor guard stand at attention during a flag-raising in place of Kasba in Tunis, Tunisia, June 26, 2018. REUTERS/Zoubeir Souissi
Members of the honor guard stand at attention during a flag-raising in place of Kasba in Tunis, Tunisia, June 26, 2018. REUTERS/Zoubeir Souissi

A Tunisian judge barred a potential presidential candidate from appearing in the media or travelling around the country on Friday.

Abd Ellatif Mekki's party called the measures an attempt to exclude a serious candidate from the campaign for elections on Oct. 6, Reuters reported.

Opposition parties have accused Saied's government of exerting pressure on the judiciary to track down the president's rivals and pave the way for him to win a second term.

They say imprisoned politicians must be released and the media allowed to operate without pressure from the government.

Saied’s supporters deny allegations that opposition politicians have been targeted for political reasons. They say that running for elections is not a reason to stop prosecutions against people accused of crimes such as money laundering and corruption.

Two political leaders, Abir Moussi and Ghazi Chaouachi, have been imprisoned since last year.

Last week, police arrested another candidate, Lotfi Mraihi, on suspicion of money laundering. He said in a video that he has faced restrictions and harassment since announcing his candidacy.

Other potential candidates, including Safi Saeed, Mondher Znaidi and Nizar Chaari, are facing prosecution for alleged crimes such as fraud and money laundering, according to Reuters.

Saied, who was elected president in 2019, has not officially announced his candidacy but is expected to do so soon. Last year he said he would not hand over power to what he called non-patriots.

In 2021, Saied dissolved parliament and began ruling by decree in a move that the opposition described as a coup. Saied said his steps were legal and necessary to end years of rampant corruption.



Sweida Clashes Renew Debate Over Tribal Alliances and Kurdish Forces in Syria

Fighters from the Bedouin clans in the city of Sweida on Saturday (AFP) 
Fighters from the Bedouin clans in the city of Sweida on Saturday (AFP) 
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Sweida Clashes Renew Debate Over Tribal Alliances and Kurdish Forces in Syria

Fighters from the Bedouin clans in the city of Sweida on Saturday (AFP) 
Fighters from the Bedouin clans in the city of Sweida on Saturday (AFP) 

The recent violent clashes in Sweida between local Druze factions and pro-government Bedouin tribes have reignited concerns over the stability of tribal alliances across Syria. As Arab tribes rallied to support the Bedouins, speculation mounted that a similar tribal uprising could erupt in eastern and northern Syria, where US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) maintain a stronghold.

The fear of a broader tribal insurgency grew after thousands of tribal fighters reportedly mobilized toward the Sweida front from provinces such as Aleppo, Deir ez-Zor, and Raqqa, areas that remain divided between the SDF, a Kurdish-Arab coalition, and the Syrian government.

However, Sheikh Maan Hamidi Daham al-Jarba, head of the Shammar tribe, dismissed the possibility of the Sweida scenario repeating itself in northeastern Syria.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, he praised the SDF and its commander, General Mazloum Abdi, for achieving what he called “historic political balances and understandings” during a highly sensitive phase. The Shammar’s military wing, the Sanadid Forces - numbering between 7,000 and 10,000 fighters - have been key SDF partners since 2013, operating primarily along Syria’s eastern border with Iraq.

The SDF, established in 2015, introduced itself as a unified national military force representing Arabs, Kurds, Syriacs, and other communities in Syria. Earlier this year, its commander, Abdi, signed a landmark agreement with Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa to integrate the SDF and its civilian administration into the Ministry of Defense and national institutions by the end of 2025.

Bedir Mulla Rashid, a Kurdish affairs analyst at the Raman Center for Research, noted that the SDF’s power base has long rested on alliances with Arab tribal councils. While he acknowledged that the Sweida events could shake dynamics in the northeast, he ruled out an imminent tribal uprising. He emphasized ongoing US efforts to stabilize the region, partial sanctions relief, and a peace process between Türkiye and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), as factors discouraging escalation.

“There is no equivalent to the Sweida factions in the northeast,” Rashid said. “Nor is there a regional power willing to fuel a confrontation with the SDF, especially as Türkiye is currently focused on internal reconciliation with the Kurds.”

In regions like al-Jazira and the Euphrates, tribal divisions have deepened over the course of Syria’s conflict. Last summer, tribal infighting erupted in deadly clashes. Yet, figures like Akram Mahshoush al-Zoubaa, head of the Elders Council within the Autonomous Administration and adviser to the Jabour tribe, remain adamant that the recent unrest should not be viewed as a model for the east.

“These movements do not reflect the values of Arab tribes,” al-Zoubaa said. “The SDF represents all components of society, despite ongoing efforts by various actors to sow division.”