Syria’s al-Sharaa Under Trump’s Spotlight, Admiring ‘Strong’ Leaders

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (AP)
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (AP)
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Syria’s al-Sharaa Under Trump’s Spotlight, Admiring ‘Strong’ Leaders

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (AP)
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (AP)

A hundred days after Ahmed al-Sharaa was sworn in as Syria’s president, US officials are still proceeding with caution regarding his administration. There are concerns about the potential for chaos, which could create fertile ground for extremist groups and allow Iran to maintain its foothold in the country.

Additionally, there are growing anxieties over Türkiye’s expanding influence across Syria and its implications for Israel.

These points were highlighted in discussions with Robert Wood, a former US ambassador who held various positions at the State Department and served at the US Mission to the United Nations; Robert Ford, former US ambassador to Syria; Henri Barkey, senior fellow for Middle Eastern Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations and former government official; and Ayman Abdel Nour, a Syrian-American political analyst and journalist.

While caution is urged in evaluating al-Sharaa’s leadership, it remains unclear whether his actions will translate into meaningful governance.

According to Wood, the current situation in Syria can be described as highly complex, especially considering recent violence, and experts are watching closely to see how al-Sharaa navigates these challenges. While his hosting of a national unity conference has drawn some positive attention, concerns remain about the broader implications of his leadership.

Ford shares a similar perspective, acknowledging that Shara's actions often align with what one would expect from a head of state. Notably, his agreement with Mazloum Abdi, leader of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), is seen as a potential step toward greater internal stability, provided it is properly implemented.

However, Barkey emphasizes that Abdi controls a much larger force than other groups like Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, which likely made it necessary for al-Sharaa to strike a deal with him. If Abdi forms alliances with other minority groups, such as the Druze, he could become a key figure of opposition to al-Sharaa’s rule. Additionally, al-Sharaa faces the challenge of reducing his reliance on Turkish support, while also proving his ability to act independently on the international stage.

US diplomats, however, remained cautious about al-Sharaa's leadership, with some expressing skepticism about his ability to lead effectively. While he appears to be acting presidentially, concerns persist regarding his control over extremist factions within his government, as well as recent security violations in Latakia and Tartus. Experts note that despite his ascent to power, Sharaa has yet to unite the country, with some pointing to the collapse of the regime’s military as a key factor in his rise.

A significant point of criticism from Barkey is al-Sharaa’s appointment of former jihadists as governors in key areas, including Latakia and Tartus, as well as his reliance on family members and loyalists within his government.

While some US officials argue that Sharaa’s government may not be directly involved in recent incidents, uncertainty remains about who in his administration might be complicit.

For his part, Abdel Nour highlights a shift in public perception of al-Sharaa since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in December 2024.

Initially, Syrians—including Alawites—were relieved by Assad's ousting, but nearly 100 days into Sharaa's presidency, tensions have risen due to discrepancies between al-Sharaa’s rhetoric and the reality on the ground, particularly in relation to key figures like Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani and mid-level officials.

Key Questions Raised on Accountability and Rule of Law

Ford echoed concerns about al-Sharaa’s ability to address critical issues, including accountability and the rule of law, especially following the unrest in Latakia and Tartus.

Despite al-Sharaa’s formation of a committee to investigate the incidents, Ford questions whether those responsible for violations will be held publicly accountable, stressing that such actions are crucial for maintaining trust within security forces and the broader public.

Wood acknowledged the significance of al-Sharaa’s national unity conference yet remains deeply concerned about the potential agreements Sharaa may strike with the SDF. While he sees positive signs, he underscores the importance of thorough investigations into recent killings, as the identities of those responsible remain unclear.

US Perspectives on al-Sharaa’s Leadership

Abdel Nour describes two prevalent perspectives in Washington regarding al-Sharaa’s leadership. One, held by military and security figures with experience in Iraq, doubts that the new Syrian leadership will bring significant change, regardless of its outward appearance. The other viewpoint suggests giving al-Sharaa several months to adjust to the new reality.

Fears Over ISIS Prisoners and Regional Stability

A significant concern raised by Wood is the potential release of approximately 9,500 ISIS fighters currently held in over 20 prisons across Syria, should Sharaa reach a deal with the SDF. These fighters could pose a serious security threat not only to Syria but to Iraq and the broader region.

Ford added that al-Sharaa’s past, particularly his involvement with jihadist factions like Jabhat al-Nusra and ISIS, raises questions about his true political motivations. Ford wonders whether al-Sharaa used these groups for political leverage.

Iran’s Influence and Regional Dynamics

Both Wood and Ford emphasize the importance of monitoring Iran’s role in Syria. Ford warns that further instability could provide Iran with opportunities to rebuild its influence in certain Syrian communities, which he believes would not align with US national security interests.

Wood stresses that neighboring countries, including Israel and Türkiye, have a strong interest in a unified Syria to avoid further regional instability.

Professor Barkey cautions that while Iran's influence in Syria has not been eliminated, Tehran will likely continue to pursue ways to reassert its presence.

Türkiye-Israel Tensions and the Future of Syria

Concerns over a potential Turkish-Israeli confrontation in Syria are growing. Ford points out that Türkiye, a key player with growing ties to al-Sharaa’s government, could play a significant role in Syria’s future. He worries that a direct conflict between Turkish and Israeli forces, potentially involving airstrikes or proxy engagements, could escalate tensions in the region.

However, Barkey believes that such a scenario is unlikely to escalate into direct military confrontation. Instead, he suggests that the Turkish-Israeli rivalry will remain largely political, with both countries focusing on strategic interests in the region, particularly in Syria’s south where Israel is concerned about the resurgence of Hezbollah or other new actors.

In discussions surrounding Syria’s new constitution, Ford sees little value in UN Security Council Resolution 2254 and the Constitutional Committee led by UN Special Envoy to Syria, Geir Pedersen. Similarly, Barkey shares Ford’s skepticism, noting that he sees limited potential for the UN to bring about meaningful change unless Arab countries step in with support.

Barkey also echoes the view held by many that US President Donald Trump was unpredictable in his decision-making. He added that Trump had a deep admiration, though not fascination, for Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, viewing him as one of the “strongmen” capable of shaping the future of their countries as they see fit.

Looking ahead, Barkey remains uncertain about Syria’s future, acknowledging that the situation is highly unpredictable. He suggests that if Syria were to experience another war or a severe collapse of law and order, it is highly probable that ISIS could resurge.

The US government, Barkey speculates, is likely deeply concerned that without American forces acting as a buffer or deterrent, the stability of the region could be further jeopardized in the event of a breakdown in Syria.



Paris Meeting Sets Three Priorities to Back Lebanese Army

A convoy of the Spanish battalion of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon passes through Qlayaa in southern Lebanon on Oct. 12, 2024 (DPA)
A convoy of the Spanish battalion of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon passes through Qlayaa in southern Lebanon on Oct. 12, 2024 (DPA)
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Paris Meeting Sets Three Priorities to Back Lebanese Army

A convoy of the Spanish battalion of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon passes through Qlayaa in southern Lebanon on Oct. 12, 2024 (DPA)
A convoy of the Spanish battalion of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon passes through Qlayaa in southern Lebanon on Oct. 12, 2024 (DPA)

Paris will host a four party meeting on Thursday bringing together representatives of France, Saudi Arabia, the United States and Lebanon, amid fears that an Israeli escalation could upend a ceasefire agreement in place for more than a year.

French officials say Paris senses an imminent threat facing Lebanon in light of repeated and public Israeli threats to resume the war.

France is also concerned about uncertainty surrounding the US position on Israel’s intentions, with a prevailing French view that President Donald Trump’s administration is not inclined to restrain Israel.

Israel accuses the Lebanese army of failing to carry out commitments made by the government under the first phase of a plan to disarm Hezbollah in the area south of the Litani River.

Caught between Israeli pressure on one side and Hezbollah’s refusal to hand over its weapons on the other, Paris has been searching for a way out and for a clear, visible means of protecting Lebanon.

French officials want to demonstrate that the Lebanese army, contrary to prevailing claims, is doing what is required of it regarding Hezbollah’s weapons.

A new mechanism to track disarmament

Against this backdrop, France has put forward a proposal to establish a new “mechanism” to clearly document the actions taken by the Lebanese army, based on tangible and verifiable evidence.

Paris has also suggested that elements of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, UNIFIL, accompany army units during inspection and seizure operations, document them and make the results public. The aim is to provide concrete proof of the army’s seriousness and of the outcomes achieved.

French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot summed up the proposal by saying France is “working on a second mechanism to monitor the disarmament of Hezbollah.”

A large scale tour organized by the army leadership in the south on Dec. 15, led by army commander General Rodolphe Haykal and attended by several ambassadors and military attachés, along with an earlier visit by representatives of UN Security Council member states and a separate tour for Lebanese and international media, were all part of efforts to show the government’s and the army’s commitment to implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1701 and to rebut claims of government foot dragging and military shortcomings.

In recent weeks, Paris has stepped up its engagement on the Lebanese file. Thursday’s meeting caps a diplomatic push that has included, in less than a month, two visits by Anne Claire Legendre, President Emmanuel Macron’s adviser for Middle East and Arab affairs, and Jean-Yves Le Drian, a former foreign minister and Macron’s personal envoy to Lebanon.

As part of this effort, Legendre has made regional visits, most notably to Saudi Arabia.

Macron himself has held a series of key calls focused on two tracks: a conference expected in the coming weeks to support the Lebanese army and security forces, and a separate conference on economic support and reconstruction.

No dates have yet been set for either event.

Importance of Haykal’s participation

Well informed sources in Paris say Thursday’s meeting will focus on three main priorities.

The first is reviewing the work of the “mechanism” tasked with monitoring the cessation of hostilities between Israel and Lebanon, and considering how to enhance it through the new mechanism outlined by Barrot.

Another development concerns the mechanism’s expanded membership, which now includes a Lebanese diplomat, former ambassador Simon Karam, and an Israeli representative, Yuri Resnik, director of foreign policy at Israel’s National Security Council.

Israel and Washington are pressing to broaden the scope of discussions to include economic and political issues, a move that has raised Lebanese concerns and drawn opposition from Hezbollah.

US envoy for Lebanon Morgan Ortagus and Le Drian, both attending the Paris meeting, are expected to travel to Lebanon afterward to take part in a meeting of the mechanism.

That adds to the importance of the five party committee, which has failed, more than a year after its creation, to halt near daily Israeli operations.

The US ambassador to Beirut, Michel Issa, will also attend Thursday’s meeting, his first such gathering since formally taking up his post.

Curbing Israeli escalation in Lebanon is the second priority of the meeting, which Haykal will attend alongside a series of engagements at the foreign ministry, defense ministry and presidential palace.

Haykal’s participation is seen as especially significant, as it will give him the opportunity to present a comprehensive account of the difficulties facing army units in carrying out their missions, foremost among them Israel’s refusal to withdraw from five additional positions it still holds on Lebanese territory.

The Lebanese army commander is also expected to outline the achievements of his forces over the past four months south of the Litani River, as well as his plan for other parts of Lebanon, aimed at restricting weapons to the hands of the Lebanese state.

Attention will also focus on Ortagus’s presentation on US plans for Lebanon, including efforts to push Lebanon toward negotiations with Israel on political and economic issues, as well as the timelines Washington is setting for Lebanon to complete the process of placing weapons exclusively under state control.

The long awaited army support conference

The central theme of Thursday’s Paris meeting, however, is expected to be support for the Lebanese army and security forces as an essential preparatory step that cannot be bypassed ahead of the long promised conference to back the army.

Two key questions remain unanswered: where the conference will be held, whether in Paris or another capital, and when it will take place. It had previously been expected before the end of the year, but that now appears unlikely.

Paris does not hide its concern that confidence in Lebanon has been badly damaged in the past, not only among potential donors in the Gulf but also elsewhere.

As a result, external parties are increasingly insisting on evaluating results and are linking military and economic assistance to concrete outcomes, whether on the security front or in economic reforms.

Another issue that could make its way onto the Paris agenda is the Lebanese Syrian border, which has seen sporadic tensions. Paris believes the border needs to be demarcated to prevent it from being used by Hezbollah as an additional justification for retaining its weapons.

France says it is ready to help both Lebanon and Syria, but stresses the need to rebuild trust between the two. Lebanon wants assurances that Syria will not again become a party that routinely violates its sovereignty, while Damascus fears Hezbollah could play a destabilizing role inside Syria.


Damascus Foils New Weapons Smuggling Attempt into Lebanon

Missiles intended for smuggling found by Syrian forces (Syrian Interior Ministry X Account)
Missiles intended for smuggling found by Syrian forces (Syrian Interior Ministry X Account)
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Damascus Foils New Weapons Smuggling Attempt into Lebanon

Missiles intended for smuggling found by Syrian forces (Syrian Interior Ministry X Account)
Missiles intended for smuggling found by Syrian forces (Syrian Interior Ministry X Account)

The new Syrian government is stepping up an aggressive campaign to seal its border with Lebanon, seeking to dismantle smuggling routes that under Bashar al-Assad’s rule served as a critical lifeline for Hezbollah, channeling weapons and money from Iran.

In this context, the Interior Ministry announced on Wednesday that the Internal Security Directorate in the Zabadani area of the Damascus countryside had thwarted an attempt to smuggle a shipment of weapons bound for Lebanon.

The ministry said in a statement published on its Telegram channel that, following close security surveillance of those involved, security forces carried out a tightly planned ambush in the border town of Serghaya, which falls under the Zabadani area, leading to the seizure of the shipment.

It said the cache included large quantities of RPG shells that had been carefully concealed in preparation for smuggling across the border.

The statement said the seized weapons were confiscated in accordance with legal procedures and transferred to the relevant authorities to take the necessary legal action. It added that the operation was part of ongoing efforts by the Interior Ministry to combat smuggling, secure the borders, and protect national security and stability.

Since the overthrow of the Assad regime on Dec. 8 last year, and the near complete end of Iran’s military presence and that of Hezbollah fighters on Syrian territory, the new authorities have sought to tighten control over borders with neighboring countries.

These efforts include pursuing drug smuggling networks, remnants of the Assad regime, and preventing weapons smuggling.

Over the past year since Syria’s liberation, the new authorities have announced the foiling of numerous attempts to smuggle weapons into Lebanon.

Informed sources in the western Qalamoun region along the Lebanese border near the Bekaa said the new Syrian authorities were making sustained efforts to control the border and prevent smuggling in all its forms.

The sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Syrian authorities currently control most of the border with Lebanon, but said this did not mean all smuggling routes had been sealed.

They noted that Hezbollah, even before the outbreak of the Syrian uprising in 2011 and during years of fighting alongside the Assad regime, built weapons depots and supply tunnels in border areas with the Bekaa, including western Qalamoun, which includes the Zabadani area.

The sources said the new authorities had seized a large number of those depots during their operations, confiscated the weapons inside them, and destroyed supply tunnels.

However, they said most of the depots built by Hezbollah inside Syrian territory were not visible, suggesting that a number of them may not yet have been discovered.

Observers say that following the end of Hezbollah’s presence, and that of Iran, in Syria, the group is attempting through sleeper cells inside Syrian territory to smuggle what remains of its weapons stockpiles from undiscovered depots.

They said this comes amid a decline in Hezbollah’s military capabilities after the war waged against it by Israel last year, and amid reports raising the possibility of a new Israeli war against the group.

In September last year, the head of internal security in the Damascus countryside, Brigadier General Ahmed al-Dalati, said specialized units, in cooperation with the General Intelligence Service, had arrested a Hezbollah cell operating in the towns of Saasaa and Kanaker in western Damascus countryside after close surveillance and intensive fieldwork.

Al-Dalati said initial investigations showed that members of the cell had received training in camps inside Lebanese territory and were planning to carry out operations inside Syria that would threaten the security and stability of citizens.

He said the operation led to the seizure of rocket launch platforms, 19 Grad rockets, anti armor missiles, individual weapons, and large quantities of assorted ammunition.

The case was referred to the competent authorities to pursue legal procedures, while security agencies continued interrogations to uncover all links and objectives, al-Dalati said.

In a separate incident, the Internal Security Directorate in the Qusayr area of the Homs countryside seized a shipment of Kornet missiles on Oct. 11 that was being prepared for smuggling out of the country.

The missiles were being transported on two motorcycles, in the second such operation within two weeks.

The Interior Ministry said at the time that the seizure followed precise intelligence gathering and continuous monitoring of illegal weapons sources, resulting in the full confiscation of the shipment.

It said investigations were ongoing to identify all those involved, determine the sources of the weapons, and take deterrent legal action.

On Nov. 10, Internal Security Command in Homs province arrested a suspect identified as A.S. on charges of trafficking weapons and ammunition, following close field surveillance.

An official statement said the arrest came after precise information was received indicating his involvement in the trade of anti armor missiles and assorted ammunition.

Security sources said units recently discovered a warehouse in the Homs countryside containing light and medium weapons and assorted ammunition. The cache was being used as a supply source for outlawed groups seeking to destabilize the area, according to Sham News Network.

Additional quantities of weapons were also found distributed among villages and towns in western Homs countryside. The weapons were confiscated in accordance with legal regulations after it was determined they had been carefully concealed.

The directorate said the operations fall within the Interior Ministry’s strategy to secure borders and combat smuggling, in a way that supports national security and enhances stability along the border areas with Lebanon.


Lebanese Army Discovers Hezbollah Tunnel in South

Lebanese army members stand on a military vehicle during a Lebanese army media tour, to review the army's operations in the southern Litani sector, in Alma Al-Shaab, near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, November 28, 2025. (Reuters)
Lebanese army members stand on a military vehicle during a Lebanese army media tour, to review the army's operations in the southern Litani sector, in Alma Al-Shaab, near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, November 28, 2025. (Reuters)
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Lebanese Army Discovers Hezbollah Tunnel in South

Lebanese army members stand on a military vehicle during a Lebanese army media tour, to review the army's operations in the southern Litani sector, in Alma Al-Shaab, near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, November 28, 2025. (Reuters)
Lebanese army members stand on a military vehicle during a Lebanese army media tour, to review the army's operations in the southern Litani sector, in Alma Al-Shaab, near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, November 28, 2025. (Reuters)

The Lebanese army has uncovered a tunnel built by Hezbollah in the southern town of Touline after carrying out an excavation at the request of the ceasefire oversight committee known as the Mechanism, Lebanese media reported. The site had previously been struck by an Israeli attack, according to the reports.

This was not the first time the Lebanese army has inspected sites at the request of the Mechanism or following Israeli threats, as part of coordination between the military, the committee overseeing the cessation of hostilities and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL).

A similar inspection took place last week when the army conducted a thorough search of a building in the southern town of Yanouh after Israel threatened to strike the house.

No weapons were found. After the Lebanese army deployed, the Israeli military announced it had temporarily suspended the strike it had threatened on what it described as Hezbollah military infrastructure in the town.

The developments came as Israeli strikes on southern Lebanon continued, with an air raid on Wednesday hitting the town of Kfar Kila. No casualties were reported, said the state-run National News Agency.

Meanwhile, Deputy Prime Minister Tarek Mitri described the Mechanism as a “platform for discussion and a framework for oversight and verification of compliance with agreements”, stressing that Lebanon has adhered to its commitments since the first day of the 2024 ceasefire, while Israeli violations have continued.

On Hezbollah’s weapons, Mitri said during the opening session of the eighth conference of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut that Lebanese army commander General Rodolphe Haykal had proposed a five-phase plan starting with strengthening the army’s capabilities.

He stressed that extending state authority in the area surrounding the Litani River was making gradual progress, with the army nearing completion of its mission south of the Litani in preparation for moving to later phases.

On reconstruction, Mitri added that the international community was making the extension of state authority a key condition for support. He hoped that Arab states would play a supportive role through their international relations.

The developments come ahead of a new meeting of the Mechanism tasked with monitoring the ceasefire, scheduled for Dec. 19.

It will be the second meeting attended by the head of the Lebanese delegation, Ambassador Simon Karam, after his participation alongside an Israeli civilian in the previous session earlier this month, marking the first direct talks between the two countries.

President Joseph Aoun met Karam on Wednesday and provided him with guidance ahead of the meeting.

The ceasefire monitoring committee includes Lebanon, Israel, France, the United States and the United Nations.

The ceasefire agreement stipulates a halt to hostilities, the withdrawal of Hezbollah north of the Litani River, leading to its disarmament across Lebanon, and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from positions they occupied during the latest war.

Israel, however, maintains a presence at five “strategic” sites inside Lebanese territory, while Hezbollah refuses to disarm.