Elusive Assassination Target, ‘Shadow Unit’ Founder: Who Is Mohammed al-Sinwar?

An image released by the Israeli military last December shows Mohammed al-Sinwar inside a vehicle in one of Hamas’ tunnels in northern Gaza (Israeli military/Reuters)
An image released by the Israeli military last December shows Mohammed al-Sinwar inside a vehicle in one of Hamas’ tunnels in northern Gaza (Israeli military/Reuters)
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Elusive Assassination Target, ‘Shadow Unit’ Founder: Who Is Mohammed al-Sinwar?

An image released by the Israeli military last December shows Mohammed al-Sinwar inside a vehicle in one of Hamas’ tunnels in northern Gaza (Israeli military/Reuters)
An image released by the Israeli military last December shows Mohammed al-Sinwar inside a vehicle in one of Hamas’ tunnels in northern Gaza (Israeli military/Reuters)

Doubts persist over whether senior Hamas military commander Mohammed al-Sinwar has been killed or survived an alleged Israeli strike, as Israeli officials intensify efforts to confirm his assassination while Hamas remains tight-lipped.

Multiple sources within the group have refused to confirm or deny al-Sinwar’s fate, fueling speculation surrounding the elusive commander, who has a decades-long track record of evading Israeli assassination attempts.

Al-Sinwar, the younger brother of slain Hamas leader Yehya al-Sinwar, has remained a top Israeli target throughout the Gaza war.

Yet, for more than 18 months of fighting, Israel has not officially confirmed a direct strike on him — a fact that reinforces his reputation as a master of disguise and a “high-value, hard-to-detect” target.

Despite a 13-year age gap — Yehya was born in 1962 and Mohammed in 1975 — the two shared not only blood ties but a deep-rooted partnership within Hamas, rising through the ranks together to lead the group’s military and political strategies.

The timing of Israel’s apparent attempt to target al-Sinwar — roughly 24 hours after the release of Israeli-American soldier Edan Alexander — has raised questions about whether the move was a calculated signal or the result of an intelligence breakthrough.

Sources within Hamas and other Gaza-based militant factions declined to confirm or deny whether the operation to recover Alexander was linked to locating al-Sinwar’s suspected hideout.

Tuesday’s intense airstrike, followed by a continued bombardment of the area on Wednesday that created a fire belt to prevent any rescue attempts, suggests Israel believed it was striking a high-value target.

Israel’s use of fire belts in a recent air assault on southern Gaza has drawn comparisons to previous assassination attempts targeting senior figures in Hezbollah and Hamas, including Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah and top Hamas military commanders Marwan Issa, Ahmed al-Ghandour, Bassem Issa and Jamal al-Zebda during the 2021 Gaza war.

On Tuesday night, Israeli warplanes dropped dozens of bombs and missiles on the emergency yard and rear compound of the European Gaza Hospital east of Khan Younis, as well as surrounding areas — with strikes extending up to 500 meters in some directions and about 300 meters in others, according to field sources who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat.

Israeli public broadcaster Kan reported that the attack involved bunker-busting bombs aimed at destroying a suspected underground tunnel network in the area. The strikes targeted multiple tunnel entrances to ensure that anyone hiding inside would be killed, even if not directly hit.

Sources from Gaza-based factions told Asharq Al-Awsat that the location did in fact contain a tunnel system previously damaged in the 2014 war. Hamas’ military wing, Al-Qassam Brigades, reportedly managed to restore the tunnels, which had only suffered minor damage in earlier attacks during the current conflict.

As his role within Hamas expanded, al-Sinwar became a frequent target of Israeli assassination attempts spanning more than two decades.

One of the closest calls came during the 2021 conflict, when he was lightly wounded in a tunnel strike alongside Rafaa Salama, the former commander of Hamas’ Khan Younis Brigade.

Both men survived the attack with minor injuries.

Salama was later killed in an Israeli strike in July, along with Mohammed Deif, Hamas’ elusive military chief, in the coastal al-Mawasi area.

Al-Sinwar has survived at least seven Israeli assassination attempts over the past two decades, according to Hamas sources — a track record that has helped cement his image as one of the group’s most elusive and high-value operatives.

One early attempt came during the Second Intifada, which erupted in September 2000. In 2003, an explosive device was planted in the wall of his home, but he escaped unscathed.

In 2006, an Israeli strike targeted a vehicle believed to be carrying al-Sinwar. He was not inside at the time, and the operation failed — one of several similar attempts over the years.

In 2008, Hamas sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that al-Sinwar outwitted Israeli intelligence by manipulating radio communications.

He allegedly used pre-recorded transmissions to give the impression he was speaking live over a two-way radio, prompting Israeli forces to bomb the signal’s location. The attack missed its target — al-Sinwar was never there.

In another reported incident in 2019, local media claimed that al-Sinwar, Salama and other Hamas commanders were the targets of an Israeli commando operation involving a plot to poison and abduct them from a beach in Khan Younis. The Al-Qassam Brigades swiftly denied the report, calling it baseless.

Al-Sinwar is credited with founding the group’s secretive “Shadow Unit,” tasked with guarding high-value captives, including Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, according to Hamas sources who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat.

The unit was established with approval from Mohammed Deif, the elusive commander of Hamas’ armed wing, the Al-Qassam Brigades. Al-Sinwar personally oversaw the formation of its initial core, selecting trusted field operatives from his home city of Khan Younis in southern Gaza.

Al-Sinwar’s central role in the 2006 abduction and concealment of Shalit near the Rafah border prompted the creation of the unit. Sources say it was formed roughly three months after the kidnapping, following several Israeli airstrikes on suspected Shalit hideouts.

The unit’s existence remained classified until 2016 — five years after Shalit’s release in a prisoner swap — when al-Qassam released previously unseen footage of the soldier during his captivity.

According to the same sources, both Deif and al-Sinwar ordered the establishment of the unit, with many of its founding members hailing from the Khan Younis refugee camp.

They included senior field commanders such as Abdul Rahman al-Mubasher, Khaled Abu Bakra, and Mohammed Dawoud — all of whom were later killed in Israeli operations in 2013 and 2021.

Other key figures linked to the unit included Sami al-Humaidah from Rafah, killed in 2008, and Abdullah Labad, a top explosives engineer from Gaza’s al-Shati camp, who was assassinated in 2011 along with his brother Ismail, a senior field operative involved in weapons production and smuggling.

Al-Sinwar continued to expand and develop the Shadow Unit for years, discreetly recruiting new members and enhancing its capabilities. Its full mission only became clearer following the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led assault on southern Israel.

Within Hamas, al-Sinwar has long been seen as the de facto operational commander of the al-Qassam Brigades, sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

While Deif remained the official general commander, al-Sinwar is believed to have overseen many of the group’s military and administrative portfolios, shaping battlefield tactics and command structures behind the scenes.

 

 



Türkiye Says SDF Has No Option but to Integrate into Syrian Army

Turkish Land Forces Commander Metin Tokel and Syrian Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra meet in Damascus on December 11. (Turkish Defense Ministry)
Turkish Land Forces Commander Metin Tokel and Syrian Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra meet in Damascus on December 11. (Turkish Defense Ministry)
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Türkiye Says SDF Has No Option but to Integrate into Syrian Army

Turkish Land Forces Commander Metin Tokel and Syrian Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra meet in Damascus on December 11. (Turkish Defense Ministry)
Turkish Land Forces Commander Metin Tokel and Syrian Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra meet in Damascus on December 11. (Turkish Defense Ministry)

Türkiye said on Friday that the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) have no alternative but to implement a March 10 agreement requiring their integration into the Syrian army, accusing Israel of encouraging the group to stall the deal through its actions in Syria.

In a statement, the Turkish Ministry of National Defense said the SDF, whose backbone is the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG), is acting in violation of the agreement signed in Damascus between Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa and SDF commander Mazloum Abdi.

Ankara considers the YPG an extension of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which it designates as a terrorist organization.

Ministry spokesperson Zeki Akturk said the SDF’s continued activities, instead of integration despite the March 10 accord, undermine stability and security in Syria. He stressed that SDF members must join the Syrian army as individuals, not as an autonomous bloc.

He accused unnamed countries of encouraging the SDF through actions and rhetoric, to reject integration and disarmament, calling such efforts futile attempts to buy time.

He also said Turkish forces have destroyed 732 kilometers of SDF tunnels in areas of operations across northern and northeastern Syria, including four kilometers in Manbij.

Separately, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan linked the SDF’s reluctance to implement the March 10 agreement to Israeli moves in Syria.

He said the SDF would reach an understanding with Damascus on integration the day Israel finds common ground with Syria, arguing that the SDF’s stance is not solely its own decision but influenced by Israel.

Fidan stressed that the agreement initially enjoyed support from Türkiye, the United States, and Syria, but that progress has stalled as the YPG/SDF refrains from taking required steps.

Expressing hope for a negotiated solution between Damascus and the SDF, Fidan said dialogue would reassure all communities, Arabs and Kurds alike. He warned that conflict would harm civilians and benefit no one, noting plans to unify armed factions under a single national army.

Meanwhile, Türkiye’s Defense Ministry announced a visit to Damascus by Land Forces Commander Metin Tokel, who met Syrian Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra and Chief of Staff Ali Noureddine al-Naasan. Tokel also toured the joint Turkish-Syrian operations center.


Lebanese State Formally Launches Reconstruction Effort with Modest Public Funding

A member of the Civil Defense stands on the rubble of a house hit by an Israeli airstrike in the town of Jbaa in South Lebanon. (Reuters)
A member of the Civil Defense stands on the rubble of a house hit by an Israeli airstrike in the town of Jbaa in South Lebanon. (Reuters)
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Lebanese State Formally Launches Reconstruction Effort with Modest Public Funding

A member of the Civil Defense stands on the rubble of a house hit by an Israeli airstrike in the town of Jbaa in South Lebanon. (Reuters)
A member of the Civil Defense stands on the rubble of a house hit by an Israeli airstrike in the town of Jbaa in South Lebanon. (Reuters)

More than a year after the end of the war between Israel and Hezbollah, which caused widespread destruction in South Lebanon, the Lebanese state has formally launched its reconstruction effort, albeit with very limited public funding.

Within the framework of the 2026 state budget, Parliament’s Finance and Budget Committee approved allocations for the Council for Development and Reconstruction (CDR), the Council of the South, and the Higher Relief Committee.

It also endorsed the transfer of funds from the emergency reserve for shelter and repairs, a move committee chairman Ibrahim Kanaan described as “a positive signal from the Lebanese state to our people, within the limits of the budget.”

Committee sources said a total of $90 million was transferred from the reserve: $67 million to the Council of the South and $24 million to the Higher Relief Committee.

With the approval of these allocations, the state has effectively begun the reconstruction process with what lawmakers themselves describe as a very modest sum, after waiting for more than a year for foreign aid that never materialized. This marks the first direct state funding for reconstruction since the war ended in November 2024.

Foreign envoys have told Lebanese officials in recent months that international support for reconstruction is contingent on Lebanon implementing a package of financial reforms and, crucially, achieving exclusive state control over weapons. Lebanese officials believe the issue has since become even more complex, tied in particular to the trajectory of agreements with Israel.

The fate of a reconstruction conference spearheaded by France remains uncertain, especially as Paris has recently prioritized plans for a conference to support the Lebanese army, expected early next year.

Meanwhile, political divisions in parliament over expatriate voting have stalled legislative work, derailing the approval of World Bank loans linked to reconstruction that could total up to $500 million, according to Kanaan. He warned that the loans could be withdrawn if parliament fails to ratify them before the end of the year.

Parliamentary sources said lawmakers from the so-called Shiite duo — Hezbollah and the Amal Movement — insisted on reallocating part of the relatively large budget reserve toward reconstruction, arguing that the state must send a positive signal to citizens who have been neglected for over a year.

According to the sources, many lawmakers went along with the proposal under pressure, amid fears they would otherwise be held accountable by residents, especially given the risk of building collapses threatening lives.

Ali Hassan Khalil, an MP from Amal’s Liberation and Development Bloc, called on the government to issue the regulatory framework for reconstruction, saying the approved funds, while limited, would help address urgent shelter needs and serve as a starting point for a major national effort.

MP Hassan Fadlallah, of Hezbollah's Loyalty to the Resistance Bloc, said reconstruction requires large sums but stressed that the state cannot remain idle waiting for foreign funds, while welcoming any non-politicized, unconditional assistance.

Researcher Mohammad Shamseddine of Information International estimated total direct war damage at $8.5 billion, with reconstruction costs of about $2.3 billion. He told Asharq Al-Awsat the approved funding represents only a fraction of what is needed and confirms the state’s limited capacity, noting that foreign aid is unlikely before a definitive settlement and lasting peace with Israel.

The move drew objections from the Lebanese Forces party. MP Ghada Ayoub, a member of the Strong Republic Bloc and the Finance Committee, criticized what she called pressure to divert public funds to reconstruction, arguing that financing should come through a dedicated, internationally supervised fund and external assistance.

She said the priority should instead be strengthening the Lebanese army to ensure stability and enable the safe return of residents.


Britain Imposes Sanctions on RSF Leaders, Including Hemedti’s Brother

British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper. (AP)
British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper. (AP)
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Britain Imposes Sanctions on RSF Leaders, Including Hemedti’s Brother

British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper. (AP)
British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper. (AP)

Britain on Friday imposed sanctions on senior commanders of Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), accusing them of involvement in mass killings, systematic sexual violence and deliberate attacks on civilians in Sudan.

The UK government said Abdul Rahim Hamdan Dagalo, the RSF’s deputy commander and brother of its leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, along with three other commanders suspected of involvement in the crimes, are now subject to asset freezes and travel bans.

In an official statement, British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper said: “The atrocities taking place in Sudan are so horrific they scar the conscience of the world. The overwhelming evidence of heinous crimes - mass executions, starvation, and the systematic and calculated use of rape as a weapon of war - cannot and will not go unpunished.”

The RSF’s actions in el-Fasher are not random: they are part of a “deliberate strategy to terrorize” populations and seize control through fear and violence. The impact of their actions is visible from space. Satellite images of el-Fasher show blood-stained sand, clusters of bodies, and evidence of mass graves where victims have been burned and buried. There needs to be accountability for these actions, and urgent steps taken to avoid this happening again, it added.

Sanctioning RSF leaders suspected of mass killings and sexual violence in el-Fasher “sends a clear message that those who commit atrocities will be held accountable,” it continued, underscoring Britain’s commitment to preventing further crimes.

Those sanctioned include Abdul Rahim Hamdan Dagalo, the RSF deputy commander, whom the UK said there are reasonable grounds to suspect of involvement in mass killings, ethnically motivated executions, systematic sexual violence including gang rape, kidnapping for ransom, arbitrary detention, and attacks on health facilities and aid workers.

Also sanctioned is Gedo Hamdan Ahmed, the RSF commander in North Darfur, who is suspected of involvement in mass killings, sexual violence, kidnappings and attacks on medical teams and humanitarian staff.

The list further includes Al-Fateh Abdullah Idris, an RSF brigadier suspected of responsibility for violence against people based on ethnicity and religion and for deliberately targeting civilians, and Tijani Ibrahim Moussa Mohamed, an RSF field commander suspected of responsibility for the deliberate targeting of civilians in el-Fasher.

Britain urged all parties to the conflict to immediately end atrocities, protect civilians and remove obstacles to humanitarian access.

The government also pledged an additional £21 million to provide food, shelter, healthcare and protection for women and children in hard-to-reach areas on the brink of collapse. The funding, the statement said, will enable aid agencies to reach 150,000 people, meet basic needs, keep hospitals operating and reunite families separated by war.

The sanctions come after the United States, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt and Saudi Arabia proposed a three-month ceasefire plan in November, followed by peace talks. While the RSF initially accepted the plan, it later launched intensive drone strikes on army-held areas.

The war in Sudan, which erupted in April 2023 between the army and the RSF, has displaced millions.

Earlier this month, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a UK-led resolution condemning atrocities and mandating an urgent investigation into crimes committed in el-Fasher.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has described the war as a “scandal,” announcing plans to convene talks between the Sudanese army and the RSF in Geneva to press both sides to respect international humanitarian law, protect civilians and implement commitments made under the Jeddah Declaration.