Türkiye’s Upbeat Kilicdaroglu Says Election Will Bring a New Spring

Kemal Kilicdaroglu, presidential candidate of Türkiye’s main opposition alliance and the leader of the Republican People's Party (CHP), speaks during an interview with Reuters ahead of the May 14 presidential and parliamentary elections in Ankara, Türkiye, May 12, 2023. (Reuters)
Kemal Kilicdaroglu, presidential candidate of Türkiye’s main opposition alliance and the leader of the Republican People's Party (CHP), speaks during an interview with Reuters ahead of the May 14 presidential and parliamentary elections in Ankara, Türkiye, May 12, 2023. (Reuters)
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Türkiye’s Upbeat Kilicdaroglu Says Election Will Bring a New Spring

Kemal Kilicdaroglu, presidential candidate of Türkiye’s main opposition alliance and the leader of the Republican People's Party (CHP), speaks during an interview with Reuters ahead of the May 14 presidential and parliamentary elections in Ankara, Türkiye, May 12, 2023. (Reuters)
Kemal Kilicdaroglu, presidential candidate of Türkiye’s main opposition alliance and the leader of the Republican People's Party (CHP), speaks during an interview with Reuters ahead of the May 14 presidential and parliamentary elections in Ankara, Türkiye, May 12, 2023. (Reuters)

He is not as charismatic as Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, but mild-mannered Kemal Kilicdaroglu is optimistic about his chances of beating Erdogan in Sunday's election, promising a new spring after two decades of his rival's tumultuous governance.

Long stuck in the shadow of Erdogan and his Islamist-rooted AK Party (AKP), opposition leader Kilicdaroglu has flourished on the campaign trail with polls showing he has a slight lead.

"I am asking everyone to stay calm and to remember that we are bringing spring to this country," he told Reuters in an interview at his office in Ankara two days ahead of what many see as modern Türkiye’s most consequential vote.

"Never have a pessimistic mood," he said in a message to supporters. "Remember that we will replace an authoritarian rule with the votes we cast," he added.

He has pledged to set Türkiye, Europe's second-largest country, on a new path and roll back much of the legacy of the man who has taken tight control of most of its institutions.

Kilicdaroglu's top priority however is a return to orthodox economic policies and the parliamentary system of governance, and independence for a judiciary critics say Erdogan has used to crack down on dissent.

"We need to appoint someone who is trusted by financial circles as the head of the central bank. This is the first thing foreign investors will see. Plus, we will ensure the independence of the central bank," he said in the interview.

"We are forming Champions League teams in every department. From politics to economics, from education to culture. We will rule the country with the most competent teams," he said.

Cost-of-living crisis

His plan aims to cool inflation that hit 85% last year and solve a cost-of living crisis that has impoverished many Turks.

An alliance of six opposition parties named the earnest and sometimes feisty former civil servant as its candidate to take on Erdogan in Sunday's elections.

Opinion polls showed Kilicdaroglu, 74, holding an edge, and possibly winning in a second round vote, after an inclusive campaign promising solutions to a cost-of-living crisis that has eroded Erdogan's popularity in recent years.

"I know people are struggling to get by. I know the cost of living and the hopelessness of young people," Kilicdaroglu told a rally this month. "The time has come for change. A new spirit and understanding is necessary."

Critics say Kilicdaroglu - who is scorned by Erdogan after suffering repeated election defeats as chair of the Republican People's Party (CHP) - lacks his opponent's bombastic style and domineering power to steer his alliance once elected.

He "portrays a totally opposite image from Erdogan, who is a polarizing figure and fighter who consolidates his voter base," said Birol Baskan, a Türkiye-based author and political analyst.

"Kilicdaroglu appears much more statesmanlike, trying to unify and reach out to those not voting for them... That is his magic, and very difficult to do in Türkiye," he said. "I'm not sure he will win, but he, Kilicdaroglu, is the right character at the right time."

If he wins, Kilicdaroglu faces challenges keeping an opposition alliance including nationalists, Islamists, secularists and liberals united. His selection as candidate came after a 72-hour dispute in which the leader of the second-biggest party, IYI's Meral Aksener, briefly walked out.

His biggest task would be erasing the footprints which Erdogan and his party left on all organs of the state, from the military to the judiciary and media, cramming them with loyalists and sidelining liberals and critics.

Kilicdaroglu said a fundamental problem of Türkiye’s foreign policy during the tenure of Erdogan's AKP was the exclusion of the foreign ministry in the policy making process.

‘Peace-oriented foreign policy’

"We would pursue a peace-oriented foreign policy that prioritizes Türkiye’s national interest. Our priority is our national interests and to act in line with the modern world," Kilicdaroglu added.

Analysts say Erdogan, the country's longest-serving leader, is closer than ever to defeat despite the government's record fiscal spending on social aid ahead of the vote.

The opposition has stressed that Erdogan's drive to slash interest rates set off the inflationary crisis that devastated household budgets. The government says the policy stoked exports and investment as part of a program encouraging lira holdings.

Before entering politics, Kilicdaroglu worked in the finance ministry and then chaired Türkiye’s Social Insurance Institution for most of the 1990s. In speeches, Erdogan frequently disparages his performance in that role.

A former economist, he became an MP in 2002 when Erdogan's AKP first came to power, representing the center-left CHP, a party established by modern Türkiye’s founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk which has struggled to reach beyond its secularist grassroots toward conservatives.

However, he has spoken in recent years of a desire to heal old wounds with devout Muslims and Kurds.

Kilicdaroglu rose to prominence as the CHP's anti-graft campaigner, appearing on TV to brandish dossiers that led to high-profile resignations. A year after losing a mayoral run in Istanbul, he was elected unopposed as party leader in 2010.

Born in the eastern Tunceli province, Kilicdaroglu is an Alevi, a minority group that follows a faith drawing on Shiite Muslim, Sufi and Anatolian folk traditions.

Nicknamed "Gandhi Kemal" by Türkiye’s media because his slight, bespectacled appearance bears a resemblance to India's independence hero, he captured the public imagination in 2017 when he launched a 450 km (280 mile) "March for Justice" from Ankara to Istanbul over the arrest of a CHP deputy.



Syria's Military Hospital Where Detainees Were Tortured, Not Treated

Torture survivor Mohammed Najib dreaded being taken by his jailers to a military hospital where he was beaten - AFP
Torture survivor Mohammed Najib dreaded being taken by his jailers to a military hospital where he was beaten - AFP
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Syria's Military Hospital Where Detainees Were Tortured, Not Treated

Torture survivor Mohammed Najib dreaded being taken by his jailers to a military hospital where he was beaten - AFP
Torture survivor Mohammed Najib dreaded being taken by his jailers to a military hospital where he was beaten - AFP

Former Syrian detainee Mohammed Najib has suffered for years from torture-induced back pain. Yet he dreaded being taken by his jailers to a military hospital, where he received beatings instead of treatment.

The prison guards forbade him from revealing his condition, only sending him to hospital for his likely tuberculosis symptoms -- widespread in the notorious Saydnaya prison where he was detained.

Doctors at Tishreen Hospital, the largest military health facility in Damascus, never inquired about the hunch on his back -- the result of sustained abuse.
Freed just hours after the fall of Bashar al-Assad, Najib has a tennis ball-sized bulge on his lower back.
The 31-year-old can barely walk, and the pain is unbearable.

But he insisted on showing AFP around a jail in the military hospital compound.

"I hated being brought here," Najib said as he returned with two friends who had shared the same cell with him after they were accused of ties to the armed rebellion that sought Assad's overthrow.

"They hit us all the time, and because I couldn't walk easily, they hit me" even more, he said, referring the guards.

Because he was never allowed to say he had anything more than the tuberculosis symptoms of "diarrhoea and fever", he never received proper treatment.

"I went back and forth for nothing," he said.

Assad fled Syria last month after opposition factions wrested city after city from his control until Damascus fell, ending his family's five-decade rule.

The Assads left behind a harrowing legacy of abuse at detention facilities that were sites of extrajudicial executions, torture and forced disappearances.

Hours after Assad fled, Syrian opposition broke into the notorious Saydnaya prison, freeing thousands, some there since the 1980s.

Since then, Tishreen Hospital has been out of service pending an investigation.

- 'Assisting torture' -

Human rights advocates say Syria's military hospitals, most notably Tishreen, have a record of neglect and ill-treatment.

"Some medical practitioners that were in some of these military hospitals (were) assisting... interrogations and torture, and maybe even withholding treatments to detainees," Hanny Megally of the UN Commission of Inquiry on Syria told AFP.

Former Saydnaya detainees told AFP about the ordeals they went through after they got sick.

It would begin with a routine examination by two of the jail's military doctors.

One of them used to beat prisoners, sometimes to death, four ex-detainees said.

Guards relentlessly beat them from the moment they were pulled from their cells to the hospital jail, then to its main building to meet the doctors, and finally escorted back to prison.

At the hospital's jail, those who were too ill were left to die or even killed, several former detainees said.

Three years ago, Najib and other inmates were tortured using the "tyre" method inside Saydnaya for merely talking to each other.

They were forced into vehicle tyres and beaten with their foreheads against their knees or ankles.

After a first check-up by a military doctor at Saydnaya, Najib was prescribed painkillers for his back pain.

The doctor eventually accepted to transfer him to Tishreen Hospital for tuberculosis symptoms.

Former prisoners said guards looking to minimize their workload would order them to say they suffered from "diarrhoea and fever" so they could transfer everyone to the same department.

- 'Clean him' -

When Omar al-Masri, 39, was taken to the hospital with a torture-induced leg injury, he too told a doctor he had an upset stomach and a fever.

While he was awaiting treatment, a guard ordered him to "clean" a very sick inmate.

Masri wiped the prisoner's face and body, yet when the guard returned, he angrily repeated the same order: "Clean him".

As Masri repeated the task, the sick prisoner soon took his last breath. An agitated Masri called out to the guard who gave him a chilling response: "Well done."

"That is when I learnt that by 'clean him', he meant 'kill him'," he said.

According to a 2023 report by the Association of Detainees and the Missing in Sednaya Prison, security forces at the hospital jail and even medical and administrative staff inflicted physical and psychological violence on detainees.

A civilian doctor told AFP she and other medical staff at Tishreen were under strict orders to keep conversations with prisoners to a minimum.

"We weren't allowed to ask what the prisoner's name was or learn anything about them," she said, requesting anonymity for fear of reprisals.

She said that despite reports about ill treatment at the hospital, she had not witnessed it herself.

But even if a doctor was courageous enough to ask about a prisoner's name, the scared detainee would only give the number assigned to him by the guards.

"They weren't allowed to speak," she said.

After a beating in his Saydnaya cell, Osama Abdul Latif's ribs were broken, but the prison doctors only transferred him to the hospital four months later with a large protrusion on his side.

Abdul Latif and other detainees had to stack the bodies of three fellow inmates into the transfer vehicle and unloaded them at Tishreen hospital.

"I was jailed for five years," Abdul Latif said.

But "250 years wouldn't be enough to talk about all the suffering" he endured.