In Turkish Election, Some Voters Return to Quake Zone to Cast Ballots

A man walks through the debris of buildings caused by this year's devastating earthquake during the presidential and parliamentary elections, in Antakya, Türkiye, on May 14, 2023. (AFP)
A man walks through the debris of buildings caused by this year's devastating earthquake during the presidential and parliamentary elections, in Antakya, Türkiye, on May 14, 2023. (AFP)
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In Turkish Election, Some Voters Return to Quake Zone to Cast Ballots

A man walks through the debris of buildings caused by this year's devastating earthquake during the presidential and parliamentary elections, in Antakya, Türkiye, on May 14, 2023. (AFP)
A man walks through the debris of buildings caused by this year's devastating earthquake during the presidential and parliamentary elections, in Antakya, Türkiye, on May 14, 2023. (AFP)

Mehmet Ali Fakioglu was made homeless by an earthquake that hit Türkiye in February, but made a 15-hour journey back to the disaster zone to vote on Sunday, recalling the fear he felt when the catastrophe struck and his anger that help was slow to come.

Fakioglu, who has been staying with his son in Istanbul since leaving his home in the Antakya region, remembers the earthquake every day - the moment he ran from his apartment with his wife and daughter as walls banged and cracked.

Fakioglu, 56, declined to say how he voted on Sunday in an election that is seen as the toughest political test yet for President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. But as he prepared to cast his ballot, he voiced criticism of the state's slow response to the disaster in which more than 50,000 people were killed.

Alongside a spiraling cost-of-living crisis, the Feb. 6 earthquake and its aftermath has loomed over the campaign. Opinion polls have shown the opposition narrowly ahead of Erdogan, though there is little evidence that the earthquake has changed how people will vote in the presidential and parliamentary election.

Fakioglu is one of hundreds of thousands of people made homeless by the earthquake, many of whom returned home to vote on Sunday.

"I will only say this, everybody should vote with their conscience at the ballot box. We were forgotten, all of us, on that day, the second day even on the third day. Not only in Antakya, but people were forgotten in all those cities," Fakioglu said, referring to the late arrival of help.

"People all around Türkiye should keep this in mind when voting."

Critics and earthquake survivors have accused Erdogan's government of both a slow response and lax enforcement of building rules - failures they said cost lives.

Erdogan said in the days after the quake that the response of the search and rescue teams was not as fast as it could have been. The government said the majority of the collapsed buildings were built before new construction regulations were in place.

Helping people travel home

Political parties - including Erdogan's AK Party - municipalities, and non-governmental organizations have been helping voters to get home in order to cast their ballots from their old registered addresses, providing free transportation.

Oy ve Otesi, an NGO promoting democratic participation, said a scheme it backed to help voters get home for election day had provided 30,000 bus tickets since late April.

"People are interested, people want to go back to vote ... Most of them didn't register new addresses so they will have to go back," said Ertim Orkun, chairman of Oy ve Otesi.

He said around 1.5 million people had left the quake zone, only a portion of whom had registered new addresses for the purpose of voting.

Since some school buildings where voting would normally take place were damaged by the earthquake, polling stations have been set up in containers and tents in the affected area.

Boarding a bus from Istanbul to the province of Hatay in the southeast on Saturday, Kivanc Girisken said he would vote for Erdogan's main challenger, Kemal Kilicdaroglu.

Girisken, 21, said he and his family had spent three weeks in a tent after the quake.

"This election was important even before the earthquake, but this made it even more crucial. When voting, we will take into account the pain we went through and the delay in the government response," Girisken said.



Asharq Al-Awsat Uncovers New Details on Sinwar’s Movements During the Gaza Conflict

Yahya Sinwar 
Yahya Sinwar 
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Asharq Al-Awsat Uncovers New Details on Sinwar’s Movements During the Gaza Conflict

Yahya Sinwar 
Yahya Sinwar 

Reliable information from Asharq Al-Awsat sources within and close to Hamas reveals that Israel nearly captured the group's leader, Yahya Sinwar, at least five times before he was killed during a routine military operation in Rafah, southern Gaza, last month.

The sources described Sinwar's movements and those with him during the ongoing conflict in Gaza, which has lasted over a year. They noted that Sinwar sent a message to his family about the death of his nephew, Ibrahim Muhammad Sinwar, who was with him.

This message arrived two days after Sinwar was also killed.

Khan Younis Operation

During the Israeli military operation in Khan Younis in January, it was believed that Sinwar was hiding in one of the tunnels.

After entering several tunnels, Israeli forces found recordings from cameras showing Sinwar moving around and transferring supplies into a tunnel with his family just hours before the attack on Oct. 7, 2023, as well as on the day of the attack.

Despite this, Israel could not locate him in the tunnels or above ground. As the operation expanded, Sinwar had to find a safe place for his wife and children away from him due to the ongoing pursuit, according to reliable sources for Asharq Al-Awsat.

Sources report that Sinwar’s wife and children were safe, receiving written messages from him at least once a month.

As military operations intensified in Khan Younis, Sinwar chose to stay in the area, often separating from his brother Muhammad and Raef Salameh, the regional brigade commander who was killed in a July airstrike alongside Muhammad Deif, the leader of Hamas’s military wing.

They occasionally met in safe houses or tunnels since the conflict began.

The sources noted that the four did not remain together at all times; they spent hours or days together before parting based on the situation.

A closely guarded secret reveals that Israeli forces were just meters away from a house where Sinwar was hiding in Block G of Khan Younis, accompanied only by his personal bodyguard.

Sinwar was armed and ready for a potential Israeli raid.

However, the movements of Hamas fighters from house to house, as they demolished walls for street fighting, revealed Sinwar’s location.

He was quickly evacuated through gaps created by the fighters in neighboring homes and taken to a safe house about one kilometer away.

He was later moved to another location where he met his brother Muhammad and Salameh before they all separated as the Israeli operation expanded near the Nasser Medical Complex.

Sources say that in February, under pressure from his brother and Salameh, as well as Hamas fighters, Sinwar was forced to leave Khan Younis for Rafah. By then, Israeli forces had almost complete control over Khan Younis and had effectively tightened their siege.

However, Sinwar was safely transported to Rafah through coordinated movements above and below ground.

Sources indicate that the person who stayed with Sinwar throughout the conflict was Ibrahim Muhammad Sinwar, the son of his brother Muhammad, a senior Hamas leader.

Both Yahya and Muhammad named their firstborn sons after each other.

Ibrahim was killed in an Israeli airstrike in August while exiting a tunnel to monitor Israeli movements in Rafah, southern Gaza, alongside his uncle.

Sinwar sent a message to his brother’s family explaining the circumstances of Ibrahim’s death and detailing where he was buried in an underground tunnel, stating that he had personally prayed over his body.

The family received this message two days after Sinwar’s own death, indicating that it took more than two months for it to reach them.

The timing of the message, arriving just after Sinwar’s death, highlights the challenging security conditions he faced amid ongoing Israeli pursuit.

It also reflects the extreme precautions he took to avoid leaving any gaps that could lead Israel to him, which helps explain the circumstances of his “accidental” death.

Sources reveal that Sinwar stayed in Rafah for several months, moving between different areas, particularly in the western part since late May. He used both underground and above-ground shelters.

During his time away from his brother Muhammad, as well as Deif and Salameh, Sinwar communicated with them through written messages, following specific security protocols he defined.

This method also applied to his communications with Hamas leaders locally and abroad, especially regarding ceasefire negotiations and potential prisoner exchanges.

Sinwar was reportedly in tunnels in Rafah, including one where six prisoners were killed. It is believed he may have ordered their execution as Israeli forces advanced in late September.

Before his death, Sinwar and his companions experienced severe food shortages, going three days without eating while preparing for an Israeli confrontation. They moved between damaged buildings in the area.

In the final two weeks, attempts were made by Mahmoud Hamdan, the commander of the Tel Sultan brigade, who was killed the day after Sinwar, to extract him from the area. However, these efforts failed due to heavy military activity.

Sources indicate that Israeli forces came close to Sinwar’s location at least five times, including three times above ground and two underground.

Each time, he was moved to different locations despite wanting to remain with the fighting forces.

When asked if Sinwar’s presence in Rafah was related to assessing the Philadelphia corridor, sources denied this.

However, individuals close to Hamas suggested that he may have been considering a potential Israeli withdrawal from the corridor and its implications for prisoner exchange negotiations and the situation on the ground.

In related news, Hamas has issued a statement denying reports regarding the fate of Deif, the leader of the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades.

Earlier, Asharq Al-Awsat reported new indications of Deif’s death in an Israeli airstrike in Khan Younis in July. Despite these reports, Hamas officials continue to assert that Deif is alive, while Israeli officials claim he has been killed.