Hezbollah Mobilizes to Block IMF's Azour for Lebanese Presidency

Hezbollah member of the parliament Hassan Fadlallah casts his vote during the first session to elect a new president at the parliament building in Beirut, Lebanon September 29, 2022. (Reuters)
Hezbollah member of the parliament Hassan Fadlallah casts his vote during the first session to elect a new president at the parliament building in Beirut, Lebanon September 29, 2022. (Reuters)
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Hezbollah Mobilizes to Block IMF's Azour for Lebanese Presidency

Hezbollah member of the parliament Hassan Fadlallah casts his vote during the first session to elect a new president at the parliament building in Beirut, Lebanon September 29, 2022. (Reuters)
Hezbollah member of the parliament Hassan Fadlallah casts his vote during the first session to elect a new president at the parliament building in Beirut, Lebanon September 29, 2022. (Reuters)

The Iran-backed Hezbollah party and its closest allies are set to torpedo an attempt by rivals to elect a senior IMF official as Lebanese president this week, in a tussle that underlines its decisive sway and the dim prospects for reviving the crumbling state.

The standoff has laid bare Lebanon's deep splits, with the heavily armed Hezbollah deploying its political might against Jihad Azour's bid to fill the vacant presidency, while continuing to campaign for its ally - Suleiman Franjieh.

The latest twist will unfold in parliament on Wednesday, when lawmakers will try for a 12th time to elect a successor to Michel Aoun, a Hezbollah-allied politician whose term ended in October.

The attempt by groups including Hezbollah's opponents to elect Azour, an ex-finance minister and the IMF's Middle East director, is expected to fail because Hezbollah and its allies have enough seats to deny a two-thirds quorum.

"We will obstruct for all to see," a senior Hezbollah-allied politician told Reuters, adding that Lebanon would then face an "open-ended crisis".

Hezbollah officials say the movement and its allies are exercising their constitutional right to block Azour's election.

The tussle has underlined the dim chances of a president being elected soon, leaving Lebanon drifting further from any steps towards remedying a devastating financial meltdown that has been left to fester since 2019.

The power vacuum - with neither a head of state nor a fully empowered cabinet - is unprecedented even for Lebanon, a country that has known little stability since independence.

With the presidency reserved for a Maronite Christian, the standoff also risks exacerbating sectarian tensions: Lebanon's two biggest Christian parties have rallied behind Azour, while Shiite Hezbollah and its Shiite ally Amal – headed by parliament Speaker Nabih Berri - oppose him.

As political splits deepen and the state endures its worst crisis since the 1975-90 civil war, analysts say a deal may now require the kind of foreign intervention that has imposed compromise on its fractious parties in the past.

Under attack

Possessing an arsenal that rivals the national army, Hezbollah has used its power to shield its interests and those of its allies, including by helping to bury the probe into the devastating 2020 Beirut port blast.

But its sway in parliament - where 128 seats are divided equally between Christian and Muslim groups - suffered a blow last year when the group and its allies lost a majority.

The United States designates it a terrorist group.

Hezbollah has described Azour as a confrontational candidate - a reference to his role as a minister in a cabinet led by Fouad Siniora that waged political conflict with Hezbollah and its allies 15 years ago.

That power struggle culminated in a brief bout of fighting in 2008 and Hezbollah taking over parts of Beirut.

"The candidate of confrontation will not reach Baabda" Hezbollah lawmaker Hassan Fadlallah told supporters last week, referring to the presidential palace.

Lebanon's Shiite Mufti Ahmad Qabalan stepped up the rhetoric against Azour on Sunday without naming him, saying "a president with an American stamp will not be allowed".

Al-Akhbar, a pro-Hezbollah newspaper, reported news of Azour's candidacy on June 3 along with a photo showing him in the same frame as Mohamed Chatah, a former minister and adviser to former prime minister Saad al-Hariri who was assassinated in 2013.

Hariri at the time accused Hezbollah of involvement in the killing. Hezbollah denied any role.

Al-Akhbar withdrew the photo from its website after critics viewed it as a threat against Azour, a source at the paper said, denying that it was intended as such.

A UN-backed court has convicted three members of Hezbollah in absentia over the 2005 assassination of Rafik al-Hariri, Saad's father and a former prime minister.

Hezbollah has denied any role in the Hariri killing.

Al-Akhbar editor-in-chief Ibrahim al-Amin, in a June 9 article, said a new attempt was underway to isolate Hezbollah and likened Azour to Siniora, saying said he had "accepted to be the fuse of the explosion".

Azour, 57, has said his candidacy is not intended as a challenge to anyone. "My candidacy is a call for unity, for breaking down alignments and for a search for common ground in order to get out of the crisis," he said in a statement.

Systemic problem

Azour's candidacy gathered momentum when Hezbollah ally, head of the Christian Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) Gebran Bassil endorsed him - a move seen as driven by his opposition to Franjieh and his own ambitions.

He also enjoys the support of the anti-Hezbollah Christian Lebanese Forces party, the Progressive Socialist Party led by Druze Jumblatt family, and some Sunni Muslim lawmakers.

But with his chances still in doubt, observers have questioned whether some of Azour's supporters have been trying to use his candidacy to get Hezbollah to abandon Franjieh and launch talks on a compromise.

Franjieh, 57, is the heir to an old Christian political dynasty. A friend of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, he has described Hezbollah's arsenal as vital to defending Lebanon from Israel.

Foreign governments with sway in Lebanon including the United States, France and Iran have called for the election of a new president. French President Emmanuel Macron met Franjieh in April - seen by many in Lebanon as an endorsement, though Paris has not declared support for him.

Meanwhile, the paralysis is prompting new questions about the future of the political system established by the Taif agreement that ended the civil war.

"Our problem is that the political system post-Taif is unable to elect a president or even appoint a prime minister to actually undertake reform because the ruling elite have so much vested interest in keeping the status quo," Sami Atallah, founding director of The Policy Initiative, said.



Iraq’s Displaced Kurds Hope to Return Home after Türkiye's Kurdish Militants Declare a Ceasefire

 Barchi village is seen around sunset time in Dahuk, Iraq, Thursday, Feb. 27, 2025. (AP)
Barchi village is seen around sunset time in Dahuk, Iraq, Thursday, Feb. 27, 2025. (AP)
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Iraq’s Displaced Kurds Hope to Return Home after Türkiye's Kurdish Militants Declare a Ceasefire

 Barchi village is seen around sunset time in Dahuk, Iraq, Thursday, Feb. 27, 2025. (AP)
Barchi village is seen around sunset time in Dahuk, Iraq, Thursday, Feb. 27, 2025. (AP)

Iraqi Kurdish villagers, displaced by fighting between Turkish forces and Kurdish militants that has played out for years in northern Iraq, are finally allowing themselves to hope they will soon be able to go home.

Their hopes were raised after the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, on Saturday declared a ceasefire in the 40-year insurgency against the Turkish government, answering a call to disarm from earlier in the week by the group's leader, Abdullah Ocalan, imprisoned in Türkiye since 1999.

The truce — if implemented — could not only be a turning point in neighboring Türkiye but could also bring much needed stability to the volatile region spanning the border between the two countries.

In northern Iraq, Turkish forces have repeatedly launched blistering offensives over the past years, pummeling PKK fighters who have been hiding out in sanctuaries in Iraq's northern semi-autonomous Kurdish region, and have set up bases in the area. Scores of villages have been completely emptied of their residents.

A home left decades ago Adil Tahir Qadir fled his village of Barchi, on Mount Matin in 1988, when Iraqi ruler Saddam Hussein launched a brutal campaign against the area's Kurdish population.

He now lives in a newly built village — also named Barchi, after the old one that was abandoned — about 2 kilometers (1.2 miles) away, south of the mountain.

He used to go back to the old village every now and then to farm his land. But that stopped in 2015 when Turkish forces moved in and set up camp there in the fight against PKK, hitting the group with wave after wave of airstrikes.

Iraqi Kurdish farmers and their lands became collateral damage. The Turkish airstrikes and ground incursions targeting PKK positions displaced thousands of Iraqi Kurdish civilians, cutting off many from their land.

"Because of Turkish bombing, all of our farmlands and trees were burned," Qadir said.

If peace comes, he will go back right away, he says. "We wish it will work so we can return."

Fighting emptied out villages in Iraq

In the border area of Amedi in Iraq's Dohuk province — once a thriving agricultural community — around 200 villages had been emptied of their residents by the fighting, according to a 2020 study by the regional Iraqi Kurdish government.

Small havens remained safe, like the new Barchi, with only about 150 houses and where villagers rely on sesame, walnuts and rice farming. But as the fighting dragged on, the conflict grew ever closer.

"There are many Turkish bases around this area," said Salih Shino, who was also displaced to the new Barchi from Mount Matin.

"The bombings start every afternoon and intensify through the night," he said. "The bombs fall very close ... we can’t walk around at all."

Airstrikes have hit Barchi's water well and bombs have fallen near the village school, he said.

Najib Khalid Rashid, from the nearby village of Belava, says he also lives in fear. There are near-daily salvos of bombings, sometimes 40-50 times, that strike in surrounding areas.

"We can't even take our sheep to graze or farm our lands in peace," he said.

Ties to Kurdish brethren in Türkiye

Iraqi Kurdish villagers avoid talking about their views on the Kurdish insurgency in Türkiye and specifically the PKK, which has deep roots in the area. Türkiye and its Western allies, including the United States, consider the PKK a terrorist organization.

Still, Rashid went so far as to call for all Kurdish factions to put aside their differences and come together in the peace process.

"If there’s no unity, we will not achieve any results," he said.

Ahmad Saadullah, in the village of Guharze, recalled a time when the region was economically self-sufficient.

"We used to live off our farming, livestock, and agriculture," he said. "Back in the 1970s, all the hills on this mountain were full of vines and fig farms. We grew wheat, sesame, and rice. We ate everything from our farms."

Over the past years, cut off from their farmland, the locals have been dependent on government aid and "unstable, seasonal jobs," he said. "Today, we live with warplanes, drones, and bombings."

Farooq Safar, another Guharze resident, recalled a drone strike that hit in his back yard a few months ago.

"It was late afternoon, we were having dinner, and suddenly all our windows exploded," he said. "The whole village shook. We were lucky to survive."

Like others, Safar's hopes are sprinkled with skepticism — ceasefire attempts have failed in the past, he says, remembering similar peace pushes in 1993 and 2015.

"We hope this time will be different," he said.