Iraq's Enjoys Respite from Turmoil but Risks Remain

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, attends the Arab League Summit in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, May 19, 2023. Iraqi Prime Minister Media Office/Handout via REUTERS/File Photo
Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, attends the Arab League Summit in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, May 19, 2023. Iraqi Prime Minister Media Office/Handout via REUTERS/File Photo
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Iraq's Enjoys Respite from Turmoil but Risks Remain

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, attends the Arab League Summit in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, May 19, 2023. Iraqi Prime Minister Media Office/Handout via REUTERS/File Photo
Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, attends the Arab League Summit in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, May 19, 2023. Iraqi Prime Minister Media Office/Handout via REUTERS/File Photo

Helped by buoyant oil prices and a period of political calm at home and in the region, Iraq appears more stable than any time since the US-led invasion, although the government's bid to cement gains with a budget splurge may prove a shaky foundation.

In office since October, Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani has launched a program to rebuild infrastructure and attract foreign investors, but analysts say the plans are at risk from an uncertain oil price outlook and face the challenge of maintaining delicate diplomacy in a volatile region, Reuters said.

"We are positive in the short-term outlook but medium to longer-term there are major challenges," said one Western diplomat.

Brought to power by Shiite Muslim groups backed by neighboring Iran, Sudani passed his first major test this week by getting the state budget through parliament.

He has also performed a tricky diplomatic balancing act in handling relations with archrivals Iran and the United States.

Sudani won Washington's praise by implementing demands to stop dollars being smuggled to Iran in violation of US sanctions, yet has kept Tehran's allies in Iraq happy with a state hiring spree and plans for major projects to create new work opportunities for militiamen, many from Iran-backed groups, now that their fight against ISIS has been won.

A lawmaker from Iraq's majority Muslim Shiite community, who backs Sudani, said the prime minister was working "as a successful diplomat who can keep good relations with the West and Americans and at the same time make sure to send positive messages to Tehran."

The lawmaker, who declined to be named so he could speak freely about the prime minister, said Sudani's Iran-aligned backers saw him as a man who would act as a manager to improve basic services while shielding their interests.

UNRESOLVED PROBLEMS

Government foreign affairs adviser Farhad Alaaldin said Sudani served all Iraqis not just those allied to Iran.

"It's been a long while since we enjoyed this sort of political stability where the crises we face are dealt with in meeting rooms and under the roof of parliament and not outside," Alaaldin said.

It is a dramatic shift from last year, when rivalry between Shiite groups blocked the formation of a government, leading to violence and stoking fears of civil war in a nation that has suffered from conflict and chaos since the 2003 invasion.

Analysts say many of Iraq's problems remain unresolved, ranging from its heavy dependence on oil revenues and the volatile global energy market to graft and sectarianism.

"The system of corruption and political patronage is entrenched and has stifled any reform attempts for the past 20 years," said Renaud Mansour, director of the Iraq Initiative at London's Chatham House think tank, adding that a state hiring spree was not a "sustainable fix".

He said Iraq could easily be destabilized by problems beyond its borders, calling the country a "playground for regional and global problems".

Iraq remains vulnerable to geopolitical shocks, including in the Kurdish-controlled north, where rival parties are feuding. Türkiye and Iran have mounted military operations against Kurdish armed groups there, saying they threaten their national security.

FINANCIAL LARGESSE

Challenges abound elsewhere too. Last year's fears about civil war only abated when populist Shiite cleric Muqtada Sadr stepped back from politics and his huge number of followers moved off the streets. But he has stepped back before and analysts say could fire up the street again if he sought a return.

Nevertheless, Sudani has had successes. His budget was passed after tough negotiations to win the backing of Shiite, Kurdish and Sunni Arab factions.

But the budget, Iraq's biggest, forecasts spending of 198.9 trillion dinars ($153 billion) with plans to add more than 500,000 workers to an already bloated bureaucracy, flying in the face of recommendations from the International Monetary Fund.

Most families rely on income from relatives with state jobs - difficult to cut if oil prices fall and state revenues slide.

Seeking to strengthen the economy, Sudani has courted foreign investment, including reviving a $27 billion deal with France's TotalEnergies and QatarEnergies to develop oil and gas output.

His diplomatic initiatives, meanwhile, have included visits to Germany, France and Saudi Arabia. But notably he has secured support from the United States, which has 2,500 soldiers in Iraq to advise and assist in fighting remnants of ISIS.

US Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs Barbara Leaf said the government's agenda of economic reform and the drive against corruption was "exactly what the doctor ordered".

"We will support this government working through those steps," she said in Baghdad in May, calling Iraq a place for cooperation rather than a "battleground".



In Assad's Hometown, Few Shared in His Family's Fortune. They Hope they Won't Share in His Downfall

A defaced portrait of ousted president Bashar al-Assad hangs on the wall of a building in the capital Damascus on December 17, 2024. (Photo by Sameer Al-DOUMY / AFP)
A defaced portrait of ousted president Bashar al-Assad hangs on the wall of a building in the capital Damascus on December 17, 2024. (Photo by Sameer Al-DOUMY / AFP)
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In Assad's Hometown, Few Shared in His Family's Fortune. They Hope they Won't Share in His Downfall

A defaced portrait of ousted president Bashar al-Assad hangs on the wall of a building in the capital Damascus on December 17, 2024. (Photo by Sameer Al-DOUMY / AFP)
A defaced portrait of ousted president Bashar al-Assad hangs on the wall of a building in the capital Damascus on December 17, 2024. (Photo by Sameer Al-DOUMY / AFP)

On the walls of the palatial mausoleum built to house the remains of former Syrian President Hafez Assad, vandals have sprayed variations of the phrase, “Damn your soul, Hafez.”
Nearly two weeks after the ouster of his son, Bashar Assad, people streamed in to take photos next to the burned-out hollow where the elder Assad’s grave used to be. It was torched by opposition fighters after a lightning offensive overthrew Assad's government, bringing more than a half-century rule by the Assad dynasty to an end, The Associated Press said.
The mausoleum's sprawling grounds — and the surrounding area, where the ousted president and other relatives had villas — were until recently off limits to residents of Qardaha, the former presidential dynasty's hometown in the mountains overlooking the coastal city of Latakia.
Nearby, Bashar Assad’s house was emptied by looters, who left the water taps running to flood it. At a villa belonging to three of his cousins, a father and his two young sons were removing pipes to sell the scrap metal. A gutted piano was tipped over on the floor.
While the Assads lived in luxury, most Qardaha residents — many, like Assad, members of the Alawite minority sect — survived on manual labor, low-level civil service jobs and farming to eke out a living. Many sent their sons to serve in the army, not out of loyalty to the government but because they had no other option.
“The situation was not what the rest of the Syrian society thought,” said Deeb Dayoub, an Alawite sheikh. “Everyone thought Qardaha was a city built on a marble rock and a square of aquamarine in every house," he said, referring to the trappings of wealth enjoyed by Assad's family.
In the city’s main street, a modest strip of small grocery stores and clothing shops, Ali Youssef, stood next to a coffee cart, gesturing with disdain. “This street is the best market and the best street in Qardaha and it’s full of potholes.”
Families resorted to eating bread dipped in oil and salt because they could not afford meat or vegetables, he said. Youssef said he dodged mandatory military service for two years, but eventually was forced to go.
“Our salary was 300,000 Syrian pounds,” a month, he said — just over $20. “We used to send it to our families to pay the rent or live and eat with it" while working jobs on the side to cover their own expenses.
"Very few people benefited from the former deposed regime,” Youssef said.
So far, residents said, the security forces made up of fighters from Hayat Tahrir al-Sham — the main group in the coalition that unseated Assad, and which is now ruling the country — have been respectful toward them.
“The security situation is fine so far, it’s acceptable, no major issues,” said Mariam al-Ali, who was in the market with her daughter. “There were a few abuses ... but it was fixed.” She did not elaborate, but others said there had been scattered incidents of robberies and looting or threats and insults.
Al-Ali called Assad a “traitor,” but she remained circumspect about her Alawite community's position in the new Syria.
“The most important thing is that there should be no sectarianism, so there will be no more blood spilled,” she said.
Dayoub, the Alawite sheikh, described “a state of anticipation and caution among all citizens in this area, and in general among Alawites,” although he said fears have started to ease.
At the town’s municipal building, dozens of notables sat on bleachers discussing the country' s new reality and what they hoped to convey to the new leadership.
Much was centered around economic woes — retired public servants' salaries had not been paid, the price of fuel had risen, there was no public transportation in the area.
But others had larger concerns.
“We hope that in the next government or the new Syria, we will have rights and duties like any Syrian citizen — we are not asking for any more or less,” said Jaafar Ahmed, a doctoral student and community activist. “We don’t accept the curtailment of our rights because the regime was part of this component.”
Questions also loomed about the fate of the area's sons who had served in Assad's army.
Since the army's collapse in the face of the opposition advance, residents said several thousand young army recruits from Qardaha have gone missing. Some later turned up on lists of former soldiers being held at a detention center in Hama.
“These are young guys who are 22 or 23 and they never took part" in active combat, said Qais Ibrahim, whose nephews were among the missing. Over the past few years, active combat was largely frozen in the country's civil war. “We send our children to the army because we don’t have any other source of income.”
Um Jaafar, who gave only her nickname out of fear of reprisals, said the family had no information about the fate of her two sons, stationed with the army in Raqqa and Deir Ezzour, though one son's name later turned up on the list of those imprisoned in Hama.
“My children got the best grades in school, but I didn’t have the ability to send them to the university,” she said. “They went to the army just for a salary that was barely enough to cover their transportation costs.”
Syria's new authorities have set up “reconciliation centers” around the country where former soldiers can register, hand over their weapons and receive a “reconciliation ID” allowing them to move freely and safely in Syria for three months.
But Ahmed, the doctoral student, said he wants more. As the country attempts to unify and move on after nearly 14 years of civil war, he said, “We want either forgiveness for all or accountability for all.”
Ahmed acknowledged that during the war, “rural Latakia was responsible for some radical groups,” referring to pro-Assad militias accused of widespread abuses against civilians. But, he said, opposition groups also committed abuses.
“We hope that there will be either an open process of reconciliation ... or transitional justice in which all will be held accountable for their mistakes, from all parties," he said.
"We can’t talk about holding accountable one ... group but not another.”