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Third Expansion of Grand Mosque Launched by King Abdullah, Completed by King Salman

King Salman bin Abdulaziz is briefed on the expansion project in May 2015. (SPA)
King Salman bin Abdulaziz is briefed on the expansion project in May 2015. (SPA)
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Third Expansion of Grand Mosque Launched by King Abdullah, Completed by King Salman

King Salman bin Abdulaziz is briefed on the expansion project in May 2015. (SPA)
King Salman bin Abdulaziz is briefed on the expansion project in May 2015. (SPA)

The third expansion of the Grand Mosque in the holy city of Makkah was its largest in history. Throughout the centuries, the expansions would focus on raising the capacity of worshippers. The central Mataf area has maintained its size over the years given the limited space available to expand it, so focus would often turn to the surrounding structures.

In 2005, King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz ordered that a study be made over expanding the capacity at the Grand Mosque to receive more worshippers and Hajj and Umrah pilgrims.

The expansion was implemented with the addition of four floors to the al-Masaa area to accommodate 120,000 people per hour. The Mataf area was expanded to accommodate 105,000 people per hour. The northern building of the Grand Mosque was expanded to accommodate more worshippers and the number of columns throughout was reduced to make more space for people and combat crowding.

Foundation

In August 2011, King Abdullah laid the foundation for the greatest expansion in the Grand Mosque’s history. The expansion was not only the most expensive and most expansive in terms of accommodating more worshippers, but the most advanced architecturally and technically and on the health, security and sustainable levels.

The King Abdullah expansion project included expanding the main building of the Grand Mosque, the Masaa and Mataf areas and outer courtyards, increasing the number of bridges and constructing central services and security buildings. It also called for the construction of a central hospital and pedestrian tunnels, transportation stations and bridges that lead to the Grand Mosques. Infrastructure improvements related to electricity, water storage, sanitation and others, were also introduced.

The project utilized the best advanced systems available in saving energy, as well as lighting and sound systems, air conditioning, fire alarms and surveillance cameras. Five power generation stations were built, and the best ventilation systems were put in place.

The King Abdullah zamzam project was inaugurated in 2010 to raise the bottling of the holy water to 200,000 bottles per day.

At its conclusion, the third Saudi expansion of the Grand Mosque increased its area to 750,000 square meters to accommodate over 2.5 million worshippers at a cost of 300 billion riyals (80 billion dollars).

Behind the scenes

A royal decree was issued to the Ministry of Education to form a technical team of various specializations to come up with the architectural design and technical aspects of the expansion. Local and international firms and Saudi universities were invited to submit their proposals.

The best proposal was submitted by the King Saud University. Staff and students came up with the plan after 40 days of tireless work.

Dean of the College of Architecture and Planning and head of the design team Dr. Abdulaziz al-Muqrin recalled that the proposal competed against 14 presentations that were submitted by local and international firms and other faculties.

A royal decree chose the King Saud University proposal to serve as the foundation of the expansion project, which would be developed further with more experts.

Dr. al-Muqrin spoke with pride of the hard work put in by his team of 24 colleagues and students in coming up with the design between 2008 and 2009. The university was tasked with developing the design and a university team, headed by Dr. Al-Muqrin, joined experts, selected by the Ministry of Higher Education, to carry out their work.

King Salman era

The third expansion continued after Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz’s ascension to the throne in January 2015. He vowed that the Kingdom will remain committed to its responsibilities in serving the two holy mosques, following in the footsteps of the kings and rulers who preceded him.

On May 30, 2015, he inspected the expansion and ordered that all means be dedicated to ensure it is complete. On July 11, 2015, he inaugurated a number of main projects within the expansion, including the expansion of the main building, courtyards project, pedestrian tunnels and main services hub.

King Salman also launched the Pilgrim Experience Program, one of the main programs of the Kingdom’s Vision 2030, that aims to introduce a qualitative shift in services to pilgrims so that they can perform the holy rituals smoothly and with ease. The program focuses on easing their arrival to the two holy mosques, offering them quality services and enriching their religious and cultural experience.

On June 1, 2018, King Salman issued a royal decree to form the Royal Commission for Makkah City and Holy Sites, which is now chaired by Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Crown Prince and Prime Minister. The Commission aims to elevate the services provided to the pilgrims to achieve prosperity and sustainable development goals that align with Makkah’s holy standing.

COVID-19 pandemic

History will attest to King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammed’s bold decision to the government to combat the spread of the coronavirus pandemic.

They decided to suspend the Umrah and close the Mataf and Rawda areas at the Grand Mosque. The mosque itself was closed to visitors and only open to worshippers during hours of prayer to prevent the spread of the disease.

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Toufic Sultan Recalls to Asharq Al-Awsat Mutual Hatred between Hafez al-Assad and Yasser Arafat

Arafat and Assad during a celebration of the Libyan Revolution in Tripoli in 1988. (AFP)
Arafat and Assad during a celebration of the Libyan Revolution in Tripoli in 1988. (AFP)
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Toufic Sultan Recalls to Asharq Al-Awsat Mutual Hatred between Hafez al-Assad and Yasser Arafat

Arafat and Assad during a celebration of the Libyan Revolution in Tripoli in 1988. (AFP)
Arafat and Assad during a celebration of the Libyan Revolution in Tripoli in 1988. (AFP)

Journalists sometimes hear shocking statements—ones they lock away in their memory, fearing their repercussions. Some are too violent, too damaging, or too costly to repeat. Others risk swift denial from those who made them.

That was the case in late January 1987, when Kuwait hosted the fifth Islamic Summit.

Among the leaders in attendance were Saudi Arabia’s King Fahd bin Abdulaziz, Syrian President Hafez al-Assad, Lebanese President Amin Gemayel, and Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) Chairman Yasser Arafat.

I had requested an interview with Arafat, and he agreed to meet. After an exchange of pleasantries, he delivered a series of startling remarks.

“What’s happening in Beirut?” he asked.

“You know the country is grappling with the aftermath of the war of the camps,” I replied.

“No, Ghassan,” he shot back. “This is not the ‘war of the camps.’ The real name is the ‘war on the camps.’ It was personally ordered by Hafez al-Assad. Regrettably, the Amal Movement, led by Nabih Berri, is carrying out the decision, aided—unfortunately—by the Lebanese Army’s Sixth Brigade.”

Arafat must have noticed my surprise at his bluntness, because he raised his voice in anger.

“Assad is trying to finish what Ariel Sharon started in the 1982 invasion but failed to achieve. This is a continuation of Sharon’s mission to eliminate the PLO,” he charged.

Veteran Lebanese politician Toufic Sultan speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Assad: A Souk Al-Hamidiya merchant

I pointed out that his accusations were grave, targeting Syria’s head of state. His frustration only grew.

“Assad is not Syria’s president,” Arafat fumed.

“He is a merchant from Souk al-Hamidiya. If only he focused on reclaiming the Golan instead of blocking Palestinian independence to please America and Israel. Mark my words: time will prove me right. Hafez al-Assad does not recognize Palestine, nor Lebanon. He loathes Iraq under the guise of hating Saddam Hussein.”

Stunned, I listened as he went on.

“What they call an ‘uprising’ within Fatah is a conspiracy orchestrated by Assad and funded by [Libyan leader Moammar] al-Gaddafi. Assad’s only dream is to turn the Palestinian cause into a bargaining chip and to dominate Lebanon.”

As Arafat’s anger subsided, our conversation shifted to other topics.

A few days ago, I met with veteran Lebanese politician Toufic Sultan—a man who carries the collective memory of two cities. Born in Tripoli, he has also witnessed Beirut’s political twists and turns, having been a close associate of Kamal Jumblatt and his son, Walid, as well as former Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri and his son, Saad.

He maintained ties with Arafat and participated in meetings with Assad and other Arab leaders. His recollections are rich with pivotal moments, particularly from his time as deputy leader of the National Movement, a coalition of leftist and nationalist forces led by Kamal Jumblatt.

Rocky start: Assad and Arafat’s strained relationship

Arafat’s relationship with Damascus was troubled from the outset. After a bloody internal dispute within Fatah, he was briefly detained in Syria, where the defense minister at the time was Hafez al-Assad.

Following the violent clashes between Palestinian factions and the Jordanian army in 1970, Assad came to view the presence of armed Palestinian groups as a source of chaos. This belief shaped his stance toward Arafat and the Palestinian resistance movement for years to come.

Assad grew uneasy when Palestinian factions relocated to Beirut and forged a broad alliance with Lebanon’s leftist parties and nationalist forces. He closely monitored Arafat’s rise as the dominant player on the Lebanese scene.

Despite Syria’s attempts to control the Palestinian file, Damascus struggled to rein in Fatah’s overwhelming influence and Arafat’s growing stature. His power extended to Lebanon’s southern border with Israel, where he effectively held decision-making authority.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Sultan recalled: “Hafez al-Assad never truly respected the idea of Palestinian resistance. I heard it from him directly and from those around him. His prevailing view was that there was no real resistance—just armed groups operating in coordination with intelligence agencies. The divide between Assad and Arafat was clear from the start.”

Sultan recounted an episode that underscored the deep divide between Assad and Arafat.

“One day, Assad told Arafat that Palestine did not exist—it was simply southern Syria. Arafat fired back, saying there was no such thing as Syria, only northern Palestine. There was an attempt to mask the exchange with humor, but the reality was that Assad genuinely viewed the issue through this lens,” Sultan said.

He explained that several Arab regimes sought to control the Palestinian cause, hoping to benefit from it without bearing its consequences.

“From the Baathist perspective, both in Baghdad and Damascus, there was a belief that the issue was too significant for the PLO to unilaterally determine its fate.”

Crackdown on Palestinian media

Sultan recalled a particularly tense moment in the PLO’s relationship with the Syrian regime.

“The organization operated a radio station in Syria. One day, it aired a segment quoting Arafat, including the phrase ‘There is water in my mouth’—a cryptic remark hinting at unspoken grievances. Syrian authorities responded swiftly, sending bulldozers to demolish the station and arresting several staff members.”

That night, Palestinian officials approached Sultan, urging him to speak with Kamal Jumblatt.

“Jumblatt suggested we arrange a meeting with Assad. It was Ramadan, so I contacted Hikmat al-Shihabi, then head of Syrian intelligence and our liaison,” recalled Sultan.

As the meeting neared sunset, Jumblatt sat across from Assad, with Sultan seated beside the Syrian president. The discussion quickly turned hostile toward Arafat.

“The conversation was filled with insults. Phrases like ‘We’ll bring him in’—implying they’d arrest him—and ‘We’ll flip him over’—a reference to how prisoners were beaten—were thrown around. Jumblatt, always polite and measured, stopped eating. Sensing his discomfort, Assad turned to me and asked me to intervene.”

Sultan responded: “Mr. President, the Palestinian fighters are not our schoolmates. We are committed to the Palestinian cause, and today, the PLO and Arafat represent that cause. These men have endured extreme hardships.”

Assad listened and then conceded: “Abu Rashid is right. Consider it settled, Kamal Bey.” The detainees were subsequently released.

A meeting between Kamal Jumblatt and Arafat attended by Toufic Sultan, George Hawi, Mohsen Ibrahim, and Yasser Abed Rabbo. (Courtesy of Toufic Sultan)

Deep-seated mutual hatred

Asked whether the animosity between Assad and Arafat was evident at the time, Sultan did not hesitate.

“Of course. It was well known,” he said. “One way to ingratiate oneself with Assad was to openly attack Arafat.”

He recalled a meeting with Walid Jumblatt, Assem Kanso—the head of Lebanon’s Baath Party—and Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam.

“When Arafat’s name came up, Khaddam abruptly declared, ‘Yasser Arafat is an Israeli spy.’ I remained silent. He turned to me and asked for my opinion. I simply said, ‘I heard you.’”

Khaddam pressed further: “What do you think?”

Sultan replied: “I respect your opinion, and this is your office. But if you want my honest view, it won’t please you.”

The atmosphere surrounding Assad was particularly hostile toward Fatah. Syrian authorities used every means at their disposal to infiltrate the group.

After years of effort, they succeeded in orchestrating major defections, the most notable led by Abu Saleh, Abu Musa, and Abu Khaled al-Omleh. Damascus provided these factions with logistical support, training camps, and other resources.

“Syria had the power to shrink or amplify political movements,” remembered Sultan.

Despite knowing that geography gave Assad a strategic advantage, Arafat was not an easy adversary.

He countered Syria’s animosity with his trademark defiance—flashing the victory sign and invoking phrases like “the Palestinian bloodbath” and “the longest Arab-Israeli war.”

These references underscored the resilience of Palestinian fighters and their Lebanese allies during Israel’s 1982 siege of Beirut, led by then-Israeli Defense Minister Ariel Sharon.

At the time, many believed that Arafat’s relentless emphasis on “independent Palestinian decision-making” was aimed more at Assad than at any other party.

Damascus, in turn, saw Arafat as dismissive of the sacrifices made by the Syrian army during Israel’s invasion of Beirut.

Syrian officials also suspected that he was waiting for an opportunity to join peace negotiations with Israel—an option that had eluded him after he failed to follow in the footsteps of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in the late 1970s.