Shalgham: Gaddafi Believed Saddam Paid Price for His Actions, Squandered Iraq’s Resources

Abdel Rahman Shalgham, the former Libyan Minister of Foreign Affairs (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Abdel Rahman Shalgham, the former Libyan Minister of Foreign Affairs (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Shalgham: Gaddafi Believed Saddam Paid Price for His Actions, Squandered Iraq’s Resources

Abdel Rahman Shalgham, the former Libyan Minister of Foreign Affairs (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Abdel Rahman Shalgham, the former Libyan Minister of Foreign Affairs (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Abdel Rahman Shalgham, the former Libyan Minister of Foreign Affairs, notable politician, and renowned Libyan writer, held significant positions within the Libyan government alongside Muammar Gaddafi.

He transitioned from being responsible for media affairs in the Revolutionary Leadership Council to serving as his country’s ambassador to Rome for an extended period.

Later, he assumed the role of Foreign Minister, ultimately representing Libya at the UN in the period leading up to the fall of the Gaddafi regime.

Shalgham remained close to Gaddafi, defending him until the surge of protests against his regime erupted. During this time, Shalgham publicly declared his refusal to suppress the protests through force.

Moreover, the former top diplomat had conceded to international UN resolution number 1970, imposing sanctions on Libya, a decision he described as contributing to the dismantling of the “fascist regime” in Tripoli.

In excerpts from a forthcoming memoir titled “Years of My Life: Memoirs,” Shalgham delves into various stages of his relationship and proximity to Gaddafi, the former Libyan leader.

Shalgham does not conceal his admiration for Gaddafi’s persona and addresses two events that he asserts had the most significant impact on Gaddafi.

The first event is US-led airstrikes on Tripoli and Benghazi in response to the 1988 bombing of the US plane over the Scottish town of Lockerbie.

The second event is the US invasion of Iraq, which heightened Gaddafi’s concerns that the aftermath of the invasion might extend to other Arab regimes, with the aim of forcibly altering them.

Shalgham also conveys Gaddafi’s opinion on the former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein, quoting Gaddafi as saying that Saddam was more interested in his personal glory than in Iraq’s reputation.

Shalgham’s recollections provide an insightful glimpse into the dynamics of these critical historical moments and sheds light on the perspectives of both Shalgham and Gaddafi.

The memoir is set to be published by Dar Al-Farjani.

Say what you will about Gaddafi; you are free to critique his personality through speech, political commentary, or ideological discourse. However, it is undeniable that he was a first-rate reader and a meticulous student of what he read, carefully selecting his books.

He delved into Niccolò Machiavelli’s “The Prince” early on and kept it as a constant companion throughout his life. Similarly, he engaged with Adolf Hitler’s “Mein Kampf” and Mao Zedong’s “The Little Red Book,” in addition to Ibn Khaldun’s “Muqaddimah.” He also explored works of both ancient and modern history.

In his own “Green Book,” Gaddafi did not directly quote or rely on these texts or anyone else for that matter in its composition. Instead, he conceived the idea of creating a book to encapsulate his thoughts, titling it “The Third Universal Theory” in green ink, amid the backdrop of the events he experienced.

In 1982, Eng. Ibrahim Ali informed Shalgham that Gaddafi intended to establish an extensive library within the leadership and sought his collaboration in selecting titles. When Shalgham met with Ali, he sought specific topics that Gaddafi wished to explore.

Shalgham expressed his belief that Gaddafi likely did not have the time to read complete volumes, so it would be prudent to select books dealing with contemporary subjects, especially in social, political, religious, philosophical, and economic realms.

Shalgham also did not neglect historical works, given Gaddafi’s passion and deep dive into history.

The former minister then commenced with compiling indices of modern Arabic publications and selected a multitude of titles spanning various subjects.

Afterwards, Shalgham presented these selections to Ali who conveyed his gratitude and appreciation. He then initiated communication with relevant sources to acquire the requested books.

The library became a favored retreat for Gaddafi, where he spent extended periods of time.

Within its walls, he received guests, conducted meetings, and seized moments to read various books.

Shalgham recalls numerous instances when Gaddafi engaged him in conversations about certain Arab books and authors, particularly highlighting Moroccan scholar Abdullah al-Arwi, who authored several works, as well as Tunisian thinker Abdelmajid Sharfi and Iraqi intellectual Ali al-Wardi, among others.

In Shalgham’s estimation, Gaddafi experienced moments of cultural restlessness. He displayed a proclivity for reading and exploring modern Arab and foreign intellectual publications.

However, the rigors of politics and both domestic and foreign crises often disrupted his ability to dedicate time to reading.

Despite this, Gaddafi, the intellectual, differed from the revolutionary and politician. He exhibited a strong sense of democracy and openness in his intellectual conversations and debates. He was keen on absorbing any piece of information he had not encountered before, often recording it in his memoir.

There were occasions when Shalgham was summoned for political matters, finding him initially agitated and emotional. Yet, as soon as the discourse veered into a realm of thought or literature, particularly poetry and philosophy, Gaddafi transformed into a calm, engaged conversationalist, often evolving into an inquirer.

Gaddafi, Saddam & Iraq’s Invasion

Following the US invasion of Iraq and the downfall of Saddam and his Baathist regime, Gaddafi grappled with a range of emotions and concerns.

He wasn't remorseful for Saddam and his regime, but his question was whether what occurred would be an exceptional US strike or if it would pave the way for a policy of forcibly changing regimes. During the Arab Summit held in Damascus in 2008, Gaddafi addressed the gathering by stating: “The US invaded Iraq, executed its president, and we watched. The turn will come to all of you.”

Amid the tumultuous events in Iraq, Shalgham met with Gaddafi. He had his hand on his cheek, pondering numerous questions about the stances of Arab and foreign nations in light of the unfolding situation in Iraq.

During Shalgham’s conversation with Gaddafi, the Libyan leader remarked: “Saddam didn't work for Iraq, but rather harnessed his country's resources for his personal glory.”

“He engaged in futile battles with the Kurds and with Iran, and his invasion of Kuwait cost the lives of hundreds of Iraqis and squandered the immense resources of Iraq,” Gaddafi continued.

He emphasized that there was “no benefit in engaging in political clashes with anyone over what happened. Saddam paid the price for his reckless actions.”

This event deeply shook Gaddafi and prompted him to reexamine his policies and orientations, according to Shalgham.

For the first time, Shalgham heard from Gaddafi a phrase that he had carefully crafted in an intense question that echoed through the walls of the past, casting a massive stone into a lake where tributaries had flowed for years, filled with verbal, political, and military confrontation with the US.

“I don't know what led us to enter into a fierce and prolonged animosity and conflict with the US,” wondered Gaddafi.

Of course, Shalgham did not voice the answer he knew. Gaddafi understood more than anyone else the driving force that led him to engage in battles, both near and far, with the US, regardless of its Republican or Democratic leadership changes.



Gaza Aid System Under Pressure as Thousands Seek Food

Palestinians walk next to a donkey-drawn cart loaded with aid supplies which they received from the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, near an area of Gaza known as the Netzarim corridor, May 29, 2025. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
Palestinians walk next to a donkey-drawn cart loaded with aid supplies which they received from the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, near an area of Gaza known as the Netzarim corridor, May 29, 2025. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
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Gaza Aid System Under Pressure as Thousands Seek Food

Palestinians walk next to a donkey-drawn cart loaded with aid supplies which they received from the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, near an area of Gaza known as the Netzarim corridor, May 29, 2025. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
Palestinians walk next to a donkey-drawn cart loaded with aid supplies which they received from the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, near an area of Gaza known as the Netzarim corridor, May 29, 2025. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed

After a slow and chaotic start to the new US-backed aid system in Gaza, thousands of Palestinians have been arriving at distribution points, seeking desperately needed food despite scenes of disorder and fears of violence.

The two hubs run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), a private group sponsored by the United States and endorsed by Israel, have been running since Tuesday, but the launch was marred by tumultuous scenes when thousands rushed the fences and forced private contractors providing security to retreat.

An Israeli military official told Reuters that the GHF was now operating four aid distribution sites, three in the Rafah area in the south and one in the Netzarim area in central Gaza.

The new system has been heavily criticized by the United Nations and other aid groups as an inadequate and flawed response to the humanitarian crisis left by Israel's 11-week blockade on aid entering Gaza.

Wessam Khader, a 25-year-old father of a three-year-old boy, said he had gone to a site near Rafah, despite widespread suspicions of the new system among Palestinians and warnings from militant group Hamas to stay away.

He said he had gone every day since Tuesday but only obtained a 3 kg (6.6 pounds) package containing flour, canned sardines, salt, noodles, biscuits and jam on the first day.

"I was driven by the hunger, for several weeks we had no flour, we had nothing in the tent," he told Reuters by telephone from Rafah. "My son wakes every day asking for something to eat and I can't give him."

When he arrived with his father and brother, there were thousands there already and no sign of the identification process that Israeli officials had said would be in place to screen out anyone considered to have links to Hamas.

"I didn't see anything, no one asked for me for anything, and if there was an electronic gate or screening I think it collapsed under the feet of the crowds," he said. The gates, the wire fences were all brought down and even plastic pipes, metal boards and fencing material was carried off.

"People were hungry and they took everything at the site," he said.

Earlier this week, GHP said it had anticipated such reactions from a "distressed population".

For Palestinians in northern Gaza, cut off from the distribution points in the south even that remains out of reach.

"We see videos about the aid, and people getting some, but they keep saying no trucks can enter north where we live," said Ghada Zaki, a 52-year-old mother of seven in Gaza City, told Reuters via chat app.

AIR STRIKES

Israel imposed the blockade at the beginning of March, saying supplies were being stolen by Hamas and used to entrench its control over Gaza. Hamas denies stealing aid and says it has protected aid trucks from looters. Even as thousands made their way to the distribution site, Israeli jets continued to pound areas of Gaza, killing at least 45 people on Thursday, including 23 people in a strike that hit several houses in the Bureij camp in the central Gaza Strip, Palestinian medical workers said.

The Israeli military said it hit dozens of targets in Gaza overnight, including what it said were weapons storage dumps, sniper positions and tunnels. Speculation around a possible ceasefire agreement grew after US President Donald Trump's special envoy Steve Witkoff said the White House was preparing a draft document that could provide the basis for an agreement.

However, it was unclear what changes to previous proposals were being considered that might overcome the deep differences between Hamas and Israel that have stymied previous attempts to restore a ceasefire deal that broke down in March after only two months.

Israel has insisted that Hamas disarm completely and be dismantled as a military and governing force and that all of the 58 hostages still held in Gaza must come back before it will agree to end the war.

Hamas has rejected the demand to give up its weapons and says Israel must commit to ending the war for a deal to work.

Israel has come under increasing international pressure, with many European countries that have normally been reluctant to criticize Israel openly demanding an end to the war and a major humanitarian relief effort.