Shalgham: Gaddafi Believed Saddam Paid Price for His Actions, Squandered Iraq’s Resources

Abdel Rahman Shalgham, the former Libyan Minister of Foreign Affairs (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Abdel Rahman Shalgham, the former Libyan Minister of Foreign Affairs (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Shalgham: Gaddafi Believed Saddam Paid Price for His Actions, Squandered Iraq’s Resources

Abdel Rahman Shalgham, the former Libyan Minister of Foreign Affairs (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Abdel Rahman Shalgham, the former Libyan Minister of Foreign Affairs (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Abdel Rahman Shalgham, the former Libyan Minister of Foreign Affairs, notable politician, and renowned Libyan writer, held significant positions within the Libyan government alongside Muammar Gaddafi.

He transitioned from being responsible for media affairs in the Revolutionary Leadership Council to serving as his country’s ambassador to Rome for an extended period.

Later, he assumed the role of Foreign Minister, ultimately representing Libya at the UN in the period leading up to the fall of the Gaddafi regime.

Shalgham remained close to Gaddafi, defending him until the surge of protests against his regime erupted. During this time, Shalgham publicly declared his refusal to suppress the protests through force.

Moreover, the former top diplomat had conceded to international UN resolution number 1970, imposing sanctions on Libya, a decision he described as contributing to the dismantling of the “fascist regime” in Tripoli.

In excerpts from a forthcoming memoir titled “Years of My Life: Memoirs,” Shalgham delves into various stages of his relationship and proximity to Gaddafi, the former Libyan leader.

Shalgham does not conceal his admiration for Gaddafi’s persona and addresses two events that he asserts had the most significant impact on Gaddafi.

The first event is US-led airstrikes on Tripoli and Benghazi in response to the 1988 bombing of the US plane over the Scottish town of Lockerbie.

The second event is the US invasion of Iraq, which heightened Gaddafi’s concerns that the aftermath of the invasion might extend to other Arab regimes, with the aim of forcibly altering them.

Shalgham also conveys Gaddafi’s opinion on the former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein, quoting Gaddafi as saying that Saddam was more interested in his personal glory than in Iraq’s reputation.

Shalgham’s recollections provide an insightful glimpse into the dynamics of these critical historical moments and sheds light on the perspectives of both Shalgham and Gaddafi.

The memoir is set to be published by Dar Al-Farjani.

Say what you will about Gaddafi; you are free to critique his personality through speech, political commentary, or ideological discourse. However, it is undeniable that he was a first-rate reader and a meticulous student of what he read, carefully selecting his books.

He delved into Niccolò Machiavelli’s “The Prince” early on and kept it as a constant companion throughout his life. Similarly, he engaged with Adolf Hitler’s “Mein Kampf” and Mao Zedong’s “The Little Red Book,” in addition to Ibn Khaldun’s “Muqaddimah.” He also explored works of both ancient and modern history.

In his own “Green Book,” Gaddafi did not directly quote or rely on these texts or anyone else for that matter in its composition. Instead, he conceived the idea of creating a book to encapsulate his thoughts, titling it “The Third Universal Theory” in green ink, amid the backdrop of the events he experienced.

In 1982, Eng. Ibrahim Ali informed Shalgham that Gaddafi intended to establish an extensive library within the leadership and sought his collaboration in selecting titles. When Shalgham met with Ali, he sought specific topics that Gaddafi wished to explore.

Shalgham expressed his belief that Gaddafi likely did not have the time to read complete volumes, so it would be prudent to select books dealing with contemporary subjects, especially in social, political, religious, philosophical, and economic realms.

Shalgham also did not neglect historical works, given Gaddafi’s passion and deep dive into history.

The former minister then commenced with compiling indices of modern Arabic publications and selected a multitude of titles spanning various subjects.

Afterwards, Shalgham presented these selections to Ali who conveyed his gratitude and appreciation. He then initiated communication with relevant sources to acquire the requested books.

The library became a favored retreat for Gaddafi, where he spent extended periods of time.

Within its walls, he received guests, conducted meetings, and seized moments to read various books.

Shalgham recalls numerous instances when Gaddafi engaged him in conversations about certain Arab books and authors, particularly highlighting Moroccan scholar Abdullah al-Arwi, who authored several works, as well as Tunisian thinker Abdelmajid Sharfi and Iraqi intellectual Ali al-Wardi, among others.

In Shalgham’s estimation, Gaddafi experienced moments of cultural restlessness. He displayed a proclivity for reading and exploring modern Arab and foreign intellectual publications.

However, the rigors of politics and both domestic and foreign crises often disrupted his ability to dedicate time to reading.

Despite this, Gaddafi, the intellectual, differed from the revolutionary and politician. He exhibited a strong sense of democracy and openness in his intellectual conversations and debates. He was keen on absorbing any piece of information he had not encountered before, often recording it in his memoir.

There were occasions when Shalgham was summoned for political matters, finding him initially agitated and emotional. Yet, as soon as the discourse veered into a realm of thought or literature, particularly poetry and philosophy, Gaddafi transformed into a calm, engaged conversationalist, often evolving into an inquirer.

Gaddafi, Saddam & Iraq’s Invasion

Following the US invasion of Iraq and the downfall of Saddam and his Baathist regime, Gaddafi grappled with a range of emotions and concerns.

He wasn't remorseful for Saddam and his regime, but his question was whether what occurred would be an exceptional US strike or if it would pave the way for a policy of forcibly changing regimes. During the Arab Summit held in Damascus in 2008, Gaddafi addressed the gathering by stating: “The US invaded Iraq, executed its president, and we watched. The turn will come to all of you.”

Amid the tumultuous events in Iraq, Shalgham met with Gaddafi. He had his hand on his cheek, pondering numerous questions about the stances of Arab and foreign nations in light of the unfolding situation in Iraq.

During Shalgham’s conversation with Gaddafi, the Libyan leader remarked: “Saddam didn't work for Iraq, but rather harnessed his country's resources for his personal glory.”

“He engaged in futile battles with the Kurds and with Iran, and his invasion of Kuwait cost the lives of hundreds of Iraqis and squandered the immense resources of Iraq,” Gaddafi continued.

He emphasized that there was “no benefit in engaging in political clashes with anyone over what happened. Saddam paid the price for his reckless actions.”

This event deeply shook Gaddafi and prompted him to reexamine his policies and orientations, according to Shalgham.

For the first time, Shalgham heard from Gaddafi a phrase that he had carefully crafted in an intense question that echoed through the walls of the past, casting a massive stone into a lake where tributaries had flowed for years, filled with verbal, political, and military confrontation with the US.

“I don't know what led us to enter into a fierce and prolonged animosity and conflict with the US,” wondered Gaddafi.

Of course, Shalgham did not voice the answer he knew. Gaddafi understood more than anyone else the driving force that led him to engage in battles, both near and far, with the US, regardless of its Republican or Democratic leadership changes.



Facing Calls to Disarm, Hezbollah Ready to Discuss Weapons if Israel Withdraws, Senior Official Says 

Mourners attend the funeral of Hezbollah fighters, killed before the November 27 ceasefire with Israel, in southern Lebanese village of al-Taybeh, near the border with Israel on April 6, 2025. (AFP)
Mourners attend the funeral of Hezbollah fighters, killed before the November 27 ceasefire with Israel, in southern Lebanese village of al-Taybeh, near the border with Israel on April 6, 2025. (AFP)
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Facing Calls to Disarm, Hezbollah Ready to Discuss Weapons if Israel Withdraws, Senior Official Says 

Mourners attend the funeral of Hezbollah fighters, killed before the November 27 ceasefire with Israel, in southern Lebanese village of al-Taybeh, near the border with Israel on April 6, 2025. (AFP)
Mourners attend the funeral of Hezbollah fighters, killed before the November 27 ceasefire with Israel, in southern Lebanese village of al-Taybeh, near the border with Israel on April 6, 2025. (AFP)

As calls for Lebanon's Hezbollah to disarm gain momentum, a senior Hezbollah official told Reuters the group is ready to hold talks with the Lebanese president about its weapons if Israel withdraws from south Lebanon and stops its strikes, Reuters reported on Wednesday.

The prospect of talks aimed at securing Hezbollah's disarmament - unimaginable when it was at the zenith of its power just two years ago - underlines dramatic shifts in the Middle East power balance since Israel pummeled the Iran-backed group in a devastating conflict triggered by the Gaza war.

President Joseph Aoun, who vowed when he took office in January to establish a state monopoly on the control of arms, intends to open talks with Hezbollah over its arsenal soon, three Lebanese political sources said according to Reuters.

Hezbollah emerged severely weakened from the 2024 conflict with Israel when its top leaders and thousands of its fighters were killed and much of its rocket arsenal destroyed. The blow was compounded when its ally Bashar al-Assad was toppled from power in Syria, cutting its supply lines from Iran.

The senior Hezbollah official said the group was ready to discuss its arms in the context of a national defense strategy, but this hinged on Israel pulling out its troops from five hilltops in south Lebanon.

"Hezbollah is ready to discuss the matter of its arms if Israel withdraws from the five points, and halts its aggression against Lebanese," the senior official told Reuters.

Hezbollah's position on potential discussions about its arms has not been previously reported. The sources spoke on condition of anonymity due to political sensitivities.

Hezbollah's media office did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The presidency declined to comment.

Israel, which sent ground troops into south Lebanon during the war, has largely withdrawn but decided in February not to leave the five hilltop positions. It said it intended eventually to hand them over to Lebanese troops once it was sure the security situation allowed.

RENEWED FOCUS ON HEZBOLLAH'S ARMS

Despite a ceasefire since November, Israeli airstrikes have kept pressure on the party while Washington has demanded Hezbollah disarm and is preparing for nuclear talks with Hezbollah's Iranian backers.

Hezbollah has been the most powerful of the paramilitary groups Iran has backed across the region.

Reuters reported on Monday that several Iranian-backed militia groups in Iraq are prepared to disarm for the first time to avert the threat of an escalating conflict with the Trump administration in the US.

Hezbollah has for years rejected calls from its critics in Lebanon to disarm, describing its weapons as vital to defending the country from Israel. Deep differences over its arsenal spilled into a short civil war in 2008.

The party's critics say it has unilaterally dragged Lebanon into conflicts and the presence of its large arsenal outside of government control has undermined the state.

A US-brokered ceasefire with Israel requires the Lebanese army to dismantle all unauthorized military facilities and confiscate all arms, starting in areas south of the Litani River, which flows into the Mediterranean some 20 km (12 miles) north of the Israeli border.

Two sources familiar with Hezbollah's thinking said it is weighing handing to the army its most potent weapons north of the Litani, including drones and anti-tank missiles.

CALL FOR A DISARMAMENT TIMETABLE

Aoun has said Hezbollah's weaponry must be addressed through dialogue because any attempts to disarm the group by force would prompt conflict, the sources said.

Patriarch Beshara Al-Rai, the head of Lebanon's Maronite church, said last week it was time for all weapons to be in state hands, but this would need time and diplomacy because "Lebanon cannot bear a new war".

Communication channels with relevant stakeholders are being opened to "begin studying the transfer of weapons" to state control, after the army and security services had extended state authority across Lebanon, a Lebanese official said, saying this was a move to implement Aoun's policy.

The issue was also being discussed with parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, an important Hezbollah ally, who plays a key role in narrowing differences, she said.

US envoy Morgan Ortagus, who visited Beirut at the weekend, repeated Washington's position that Hezbollah and other armed groups should be disarmed as soon as possible and the Lebanese army was expected to do the job.

"It's clear that Hezbollah has to be disarmed and it's clear that Israel is not going to accept terrorists shooting at them, into their country, and that's a position we understand," Ortagus said in an April 6 interview with Lebanon's LBCI television.

Several Lebanese government ministers want a disarmament timetable, said Kamal Shehadi, a minister affiliated with the anti-Hezbollah Lebanese Forces party. Shehadi told Reuters disarmament should take no more than six months, citing post-civil war militia disarmament as a precedent.

A timetable -- which presumably would impose deadlines on the process -- is, he said, the "only way to protect our fellow citizens from the recurring attacks that are costing lives, costing the economy and causing destruction".

He said he and other ministers hoped the full cabinet would endorse the idea and task the minister of defense with preparing the timetable. "We're going to keep asking for it," he said.

The most recent conflict began when Hezbollah opened fire in support of Hamas at the start of the Gaza war in October 2023.

Hezbollah leader Sheikh Naim Qassem in a March 29 speech said his group no longer has an armed presence south of the Litani, and had stuck to the ceasefire deal while Israel breached it "every day". Israel has accused Hezbollah of maintaining military infrastructure in the south.

Hezbollah has put the onus on the Lebanese state to get Israel to withdraw and stop its attacks. Qassem said there was still time for diplomatic solutions. But he warned that the "resistance is present and ready" and indicated it could resort "to other options" if Israel doesn't adhere to the deal.