Syrians Recall ‘Apocalypse’ Chemical Attack, 10 Years On

 20 August 2023, Syria, Idlib: A member of the Syria Civil Defense, known as White Helmets participates in a commemoration event for the 10th anniversary of the Ghouta chemical attack. (dpa)
20 August 2023, Syria, Idlib: A member of the Syria Civil Defense, known as White Helmets participates in a commemoration event for the 10th anniversary of the Ghouta chemical attack. (dpa)
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Syrians Recall ‘Apocalypse’ Chemical Attack, 10 Years On

 20 August 2023, Syria, Idlib: A member of the Syria Civil Defense, known as White Helmets participates in a commemoration event for the 10th anniversary of the Ghouta chemical attack. (dpa)
20 August 2023, Syria, Idlib: A member of the Syria Civil Defense, known as White Helmets participates in a commemoration event for the 10th anniversary of the Ghouta chemical attack. (dpa)

Syrians in the country's opposition-held north on Monday marked the 10-year anniversary of chemical attacks that killed more than 1,400 people near Damascus, one of the conflict's many horrors that went unpunished.

"I was in such shock. I smelt death," said Mohammed Sleiman, a paramedic from Zamalka in Eastern Ghouta who lost five members of his family that day.

On August 21, 2013, regime forces attacked Eastern Ghouta and Moadamiyet al-Sham, opposition-held areas outside the capital.

The opposition accused the regime of using toxic gas in the attacks, which killed around 1,400 people, including more than 400 children.

The government denied the allegations.

Speaking from the northern city of Afrin, held by pro-Turkish opposition factions, Sleiman recalled rushing to the scene after hearing news of the attack.

He wrapped his face with a piece of cloth to protect himself from the gas.

"I found a large number of people hurt or dead. It was like the apocalypse. The scene was indescribable," the 40-year-old told AFP ahead of the anniversary.

When he went back to his family home, he found it empty. With one of his brothers, he went to look for them at a nearby medical facility.

"I found my father and all the neighbors, all of them just with numbers, no names. I remember my father was number 95. I identified the bodies of the people I knew," he said.

Trauma

Syria's war broke out in 2011 after President Bashar al-Assad's repression of peaceful demonstrations escalated into a deadly conflict that pulled in foreign powers and global extremists.

The war has killed more than half a million people and forced around half of the country's pre-war population from their homes.

Sleiman later learned that his other brother, his sister-in-law and their two children had also been killed in the attack.

"We dug a communal grave for hundreds of people and buried them close together," he said.

"When I tell the story, I can see it all in front of me as if it was now," he said, adding that he was receiving psychological counselling because of the trauma.

Activists in 2013 posted dozens of amateur videos on YouTube said to show the effects of the attack, including footage of dozens of corpses, many of them children, outstretched on the ground.

Other images showed unconscious children, people foaming at the mouth and doctors apparently giving them oxygen to help them breathe.

The scenes provoked revulsion and condemnation around the globe.

A United Nations report later said there was clear evidence sarin gas was used.

World's 'failure'

Despite insisting the use of chemical weapons was a red line, then US president Barack Obama held back on retaliatory strikes, instead reaching a deal with Russia on the dismantlement of Syria's chemical arsenal under UN supervision.

Eastern Ghouta returned to regime control in 2018.

Survivors and activist gathered at several sites in Syria's opposition-held north and northwest Syria on Sunday to mark the anniversary.

At a commemoration in Afrin, survivors shared their stories while young children put on a small performance, re-enacting the horror.

Syria agreed in 2013 to join the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) global watchdog and give up all chemical weapons.

The OPCW has since blamed Damascus for a series of chemical attacks during the war.

Syria's OPCW voting rights were suspended in 2021, in an unprecedented rebuke following poison gas attacks on civilians in 2017.

"We are not organizing this event in order to remember the massacre, as it is always on our minds," said Mohammed Dahleh, a survivor from Zamalka who helped organize the Afrin commemoration.

"We are reminding the world... of its failure to support justice and rights," he said.

"We will continue to insist on the need to hold Bashar al-Assad accountable."

US National Security Council spokesperson Adrienne Watson on Monday called the attacks "gruesome".

"The Assad regime, backed by Russia, is hoping the world will forget the atrocities that have occurred in Syria. We will not," Watson said in a statement.



Three Scenarios for Russia’s Military Presence in Syria

Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)
Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)
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Three Scenarios for Russia’s Military Presence in Syria

Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)
Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)

Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday he would meet former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, who fled to Russia after his regime fell in Damascus. But what will Putin say to his former ally? And how might their first exchange unfold, given Russia’s role in helping Assad escape on a chaotic night?

The Kremlin, known for staging Putin’s meetings with precision, might opt to limit media coverage this time. Putin could be seen sitting at a small table with Assad, now on asylum

in Moscow, in a soundless scene—one that leaves little room for formal pleasantries.

Why has Putin announced plans to meet Assad? Is it to reprimand him? Many in Russia believe Assad’s stubbornness has hurt Moscow’s efforts, threatened its gains in Syria, and could eventually risk its key military presence there.

As details remain unclear, Russian experts are racing to analyze developments in Syria and outline scenarios for the next phase.

Some Russian experts have painted grim scenarios. A member of the prestigious Russian Council on Foreign and Defense Policy warned of potential risks, including a prolonged conflict with civil war elements, a humanitarian catastrophe with millions of refugees, escalating migration in Europe, and rising tensions among nations like Israel, the US, and Iran.

He also predicted a new wave of international terrorism that could reach far beyond the region.

Other experts echoed this pessimism. One posted an image of a Syrian dissident stepping on a statue of Assad’s father, warning that “this is just the beginning.” Another blamed the crisis on the “Obama curse,” citing the West’s interference, while a third shared a bleak analysis titled, “We Must Pray for Syria.”

So far, Russian media and think tanks have avoided any optimistic outlooks for Syria’s future.

Experts, who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat, believe Moscow may be preparing to handle one of three possible scenarios in Syria.

The first, most favorable for Russia’s interests, involves Moscow reaching an agreement with the new Syrian authorities to maintain its military presence for a limited period.

This could mean replacing the current 49-year agreements with a five-year deal to facilitate a gradual Russian withdrawal. Such an arrangement could help the new leadership in Syria manage Western pressure to cut ties with Moscow.

The second scenario envisions Russia giving up its airbase in Hmeimim while retaining a significant presence in Tartus. This would mirror agreements from 1972, which allowed Russian naval vessels to use the Tartus logistics center in the Mediterranean. This compromise would preserve Russia’s interests while reducing Western pressure on Damascus.

The third scenario involves a full Russian withdrawal from both bases, with Moscow later seeking agreements for shared use of air and sea ports. Such agreements, similar to those Russia has signed with other countries, are less likely to provoke Western opposition.

Regardless of the outcome, the Kremlin has yet to develop a clear strategy for dealing with the emerging situation in Syria.

Key questions remain, including how to curb Iran’s regional influence, manage Türkiye and Israel’s growing roles in Syria, and establish a new regional balance that secures Moscow’s minimum interests.