Storm Daniel Exposes Fragile Libya Infrastructure, Sparks Damning Criticism of Authorities

Mediterranean storm Daniel caused deadly flooding Sunday in many towns of eastern Libya, but the worst-hit was Derna. (Reuters)
Mediterranean storm Daniel caused deadly flooding Sunday in many towns of eastern Libya, but the worst-hit was Derna. (Reuters)
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Storm Daniel Exposes Fragile Libya Infrastructure, Sparks Damning Criticism of Authorities

Mediterranean storm Daniel caused deadly flooding Sunday in many towns of eastern Libya, but the worst-hit was Derna. (Reuters)
Mediterranean storm Daniel caused deadly flooding Sunday in many towns of eastern Libya, but the worst-hit was Derna. (Reuters)

The devastation left behind by storm Daniel in Libya has underscored the fragility and decay of the infrastructure in the country caused by years of instability since the ouster of longtime ruler Moammar al-Gaddafi in 2011.

Libyans lashed out at the ruling authorities for neglecting the infrastructure, accusing officials of corruption and squandering the country’s oil wealth during their struggle for power.

Mediterranean storm Daniel caused deadly flooding Sunday in many towns of eastern Libya, but the worst-hit was Derna.

Two dams in the mountains above the city collapsed, sending floodwaters roaring down the Wadi Derna river and through the city center, sweeping away entire city blocks and killing at least 5,100 people. Search teams combed streets, wrecked buildings and even the sea Wednesday to look for bodies.

Political analyst Ahmed Almhadoui said the interim Tripoli-based Government of National Unity (GNU) headed by Abdulhamid al-Dbeibah was “primarily responsible for the devastation.”

In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, he explained that the GNU had at its disposal oil revenues that previous governments had never managed to amass.

It should have used these funds to rebuild several Libyan cities that were left in ruins by the conflict, he added.

Moreover, he noted that the several audit reports had accused the GNU of financial mismanagement, adding that prior to heading the GNU, Dbeibah was previously in charge of an agency that was tasked with modernizing infrastructure.

Since the storm disaster, the GNU has dispatched technical teams to assess the damage in Derna. They found that 30 kms of road networks and five bridges were destroyed in the storm.

Meanwhile, head of the Belaady Organization for Human Rights Tarik Lamloum criticized the government of Osama Hammad that was named by the east-based parliament. He also blamed previous east-based governments for the tragedy.

He said they were largely responsible for the devastating consequences of the storm.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Hammad government should have taken precautions such as determining the locations that were most at risk from the storm and evacuating them.

When the government met before the storm hit, it should have turned to experts who could have warned it of the risks at hand.

Neighborhoods located in valleys and near the burst dams should have been evacuated, he added, while noting that the majority of the construction there was unregulated.

Furthermore, Lamloum said the fragile infrastructure has been an issue in Libya for years, even when Gaddafi was still in power.

Everyone is responsible for the disaster, he declared, while noting that east-based governments never lacked the necessary funds to improve the infrastructure, rather they mismanaged the situation.

The eastern and western administrations were solely concerned with amassing their military forces, not construction and catering to the needs of the country, he lamented.

Given the instability and mistrust from both sides, the administrations dedicated their efforts to acquiring weapons and recruiting fighters in anticipation of the next round of unrest, he went on to say.

Political analyst Mohammed Mahfoud rejected the exploitation of the human tragedy to make political gains and trade accusations.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat: “We must acknowledge the reality caused by the political division endured by Libya for years.”

The division has weakened the executive authorities, he added, while noting that crises in the country are addressed through reactions and after victims are claimed, instead of tackling their root cause.

He remarked that in spite of Libya’s wealth, a revision of infrastructure has never been carried out and a center for predicting natural disasters has never been set up.



Damascus: ‘Pandora’s Box’ Opens for Its People and the World

Damascenes’ vitality quickly returns to the heart of Damascus (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Damascenes’ vitality quickly returns to the heart of Damascus (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Damascus: ‘Pandora’s Box’ Opens for Its People and the World

Damascenes’ vitality quickly returns to the heart of Damascus (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Damascenes’ vitality quickly returns to the heart of Damascus (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Visitors to Damascus today can’t miss the city’s busy, fast-paced rhythm. Traffic jams clog the main entrances, intersections, and markets, while schoolchildren dart around their parents, backpacks in hand, at the end of the school day. These scenes bring a sense of normalcy, showing that daily life continues despite the challenges.

Cars with license plates from across Syria—Raqqa, Homs, and Idlib—mix with Damascus vehicles at intersections and working traffic lights. “This is new for us,” said a local. “We didn't see cars from these areas before.”

Amid the congestion, as drivers jostled for space, the man joked: “An Idlib plate now means ‘government car’—we’d better make way.”

With traffic police largely absent, a few members of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham have stepped in at key intersections to direct the flow. Still, residents seem to manage on their own, relying on self-organization.

As night fell, parks, cafes, and the bustling Shaalan Street in Damascus filled with families and young people. Crowds moved between juice stands, sandwich shops, and shisha cafes, many with foreign or English-inspired names.

The famed adaptability of locals is evident in small but significant changes. People quickly adjusted to using foreign and Arab currencies, garbage collection resumed swiftly, and even rules for non-Syrians buying SIM cards were amended.

Previously, foreigners had to register with an entry stamp and local address. Now, with Syrian border controls relaxed and monitoring left to the Lebanese side, new measures ensure SIM cards remain traceable without complicating the process.

The “revolution flag” now covers private cars, taxis, and shop entrances in Damascus. Many stores are offering discounts on clothing and shoes to celebrate “victory,” while street vendors eagerly sell the new flag, urging people to buy it with cheers and congratulations.

It’s unclear who genuinely supports the change and who is simply going along to stay safe, especially among small business owners. What is certain, however, is that public spaces have moved on.

From the Lebanese border to the heart of Damascus, slogans praising Assad and the “eternity” he symbolized have been wiped away.

Posters and billboards have appeared across Damascus, especially in Umayyad Square, with messages like “Syria is for all Syrians” and “Time to build a better future.” The slogans call for unity and a shared future for all citizens.

It’s unclear if this is part of an organized campaign by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham or just political improvisation.

Umayyad Square, now a “revolutionary site,” draws crowds day and night, eager to take photos near the historic monument and the abandoned statue of Hafez al-Assad. The scene speaks volumes about untold stories.

Once a key landmark of Damascus, the square is now Syria’s gateway to the world. Syrians from inside and outside the country flood social media with joyful images, while journalists and TV teams from around the globe report in multiple languages.

The atmosphere feels like the opening of “Pandora’s Box,” revealing both the good and the bad.

Journalists in the square, whom you later find in small local restaurants and hotel lobbies, bring to mind post-2003 Baghdad—another capital at a historic turning point, filled with people and emotions.

Like Baghdad, hotel lobbies here are full of contradictions, with journalists playing just a small role.

In these grand spaces, diplomats, UN staff, and translators sit alongside businessmen and contractors eager to capitalize on economic opportunities. While Damascus itself hasn't changed much, its need for basic services, especially electricity, is huge. Entire neighborhoods have been destroyed, with forced displacement, hunger, and fear almost touching the city's hotels and restaurants.

In these hotels, which have become a microcosm of Syrian society, Damascenes are meeting for the first time faction leaders and fighters from the north. Many of them, due to their circumstances, had never seen the capital or entered a hotel.

Their sense of victory is clear, but so is the confusion in their eyes and actions. For example, one might hesitate in an elevator, unsure whether to step out or stay, then greet you politely while avoiding eye contact.

In their military uniforms, with visible weapons and long beards, the fighters stand out in these historic hotels, with their elegant decor and refined staff.

This contrasts sharply with the ordinary Damascenes who visit hotel cafes and restaurants simply for peace and privacy. The fighters bridge the gap with their serious, guarded demeanor, though it softens with a joke from a friend.

Locals feel their “bubble” has burst, and their way of life has changed forever. Yet, most agree that nothing will be worse or last longer than what they’ve already experienced.