Syrians Feel Growing Pressure from Türkiye’s Anti-Migrant Political Wave 

People stroll at the main shopping and pedestrian street of Istiklal which is decorated with Turkish flags to mark the Victory Day, in Istanbul, Türkiye August 30, 2023. (Reuters)
People stroll at the main shopping and pedestrian street of Istiklal which is decorated with Turkish flags to mark the Victory Day, in Istanbul, Türkiye August 30, 2023. (Reuters)
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Syrians Feel Growing Pressure from Türkiye’s Anti-Migrant Political Wave 

People stroll at the main shopping and pedestrian street of Istiklal which is decorated with Turkish flags to mark the Victory Day, in Istanbul, Türkiye August 30, 2023. (Reuters)
People stroll at the main shopping and pedestrian street of Istiklal which is decorated with Turkish flags to mark the Victory Day, in Istanbul, Türkiye August 30, 2023. (Reuters)

Anti-migrant sentiment, economic woes and political pressures are leading some of the 3.3 millions Syrians living in Türkiye to plan a return to Syria or seek shelter in Europe, according to migrants interviewed by Reuters.

They are concerned that rhetoric against migrants may rear up in campaigning for March local elections, echoing efforts to tap into nationalist sentiments during May's general elections.

Many of those now living in Istanbul face a more immediate worry - authorities' Sept. 24 deadline for them to leave the city if they are registered in other Turkish provinces.

One 32-year-old Syrian said he is saving up to pay smugglers and plans to go to Belgium. Hardship caused by Türkiye’s rampant inflation and anti-migrant rhetoric motivated his decision.

"We are blamed and scapegoated for the worsening economy. Discrimination is rising. It is becoming impossible for us to live here," he told Reuters, declining to give his name for security reasons.

The 32-year-old is among those affected by Sunday's deadline because he was registered in southeastern Sanliurfa province.

According to rights groups, racist violence against Syrians is increasing and authorities have adopted a tougher policy on migrants not registered in Istanbul, stoking migrants' fears.

Another Syrian man, a 33-year-old teacher, said he could no longer afford to live in Türkiye after 10 years spent in Istanbul with his two children, with his expenses exceeding his income.

"I decided to return to Syria because of the bad financial situation in Türkiye. I know the situation is bad in Syria too but here it's worse for me," he said, declining to be named.

It was not possible to quantify the number of Syrians currently planning to leave for Europe or return to Syria.

Türkiye is home to 3.3 million Syrians with temporary protection permits, according to Turkish authorities. Istanbul has the highest Syrian population with more than 532,000.

While Syrians were assigned to provinces throughout Türkiye, many went to Istanbul due to more job opportunities. Authorities said it was unclear how many such people there were in the city.

Deadline to move

Adem Maarastawi, a 29-year-old Syrian activist working in Istanbul, is registered in central Türkiye’s Kirsehir province.

As Sept. 24 approaches, he fears being sent to Kirsehir.

"I struggled to build a life here. How can I rebuild my life from scratch in another city?" he said, adding that he looked for a job in more than 30 cities before settling in Istanbul.

Experts believe anti-migrant sentiment will dominate opposition campaigning for the March votes, as it did in the May elections, and worry this could lead to more physical and verbal violence against migrants including more social media hostility.

"Anti-migrant rhetoric is likely to rise before the March elections," said Deniz Sert, associate professor of international relations at Ozyegin University.

Local government expert Ali Mert Tascier said opposition parties are likely to use anti-migrant rhetoric, with municipalities being the main players in managing migrants.

During campaigning for the May elections, the main opposition CHP vowed to send Syrians back. It declined to comment on its migration perspective for the local votes.

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been fiercely critical of the opposition's stance, telling a conference this week that Türkiye’s hosting of refugees would continue unchanged.

However, ahead of the May elections, Erdogan played up his plans to repatriate a million Syrian refugees.

"We will continue to pursue our voluntary return policy. It is, however, inappropriate to use migrants for political gain," said Osman Nuri Kabaktepe, Istanbul head of Erdogan's AK Party.

But Maarastawi said he feared such campaigning would lead to a deterioration in the situation for migrants.

"I believe everything will just worsen for us as a result of more populist discourse during the local elections," he said.



What’s Happening in Forgotten Gaza?

Fighters from Hamas' Al-Qassam Brigades in the Gaza Strip. (Reuters file)
Fighters from Hamas' Al-Qassam Brigades in the Gaza Strip. (Reuters file)
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What’s Happening in Forgotten Gaza?

Fighters from Hamas' Al-Qassam Brigades in the Gaza Strip. (Reuters file)
Fighters from Hamas' Al-Qassam Brigades in the Gaza Strip. (Reuters file)

While the world is focused on the war in Lebanon and its dangers, the situation in Gaza has been largely overlooked.

Despite ongoing suffering, it has received little attention, especially with winter rains approaching, which are adding to the hardships faced by its residents.

Israeli forces are continuing their military operations in Gaza, although they have eased somewhat.

On Tuesday, the Palestinian Ministry of Health reported that Israeli airstrikes led to four massacres in the last 24 hours, killing 23 people and injuring 101.

The latest attack targeted displaced people in the al-Fattah neighborhood, resulting in numerous casualties.

As the conflict enters its 361st day, the toll in Gaza has reached 41,638 dead and 96,460 injured since October 7, worsening the humanitarian crisis.

The Israeli army claims to have destroyed 90% of Hamas’s military capabilities, including half of its tunnels and assassinating several of its leaders.

However, it admitted that Hamas has regained control and is suppressing dissent violently.

Israeli officials allege that Hamas has been monopolizing humanitarian aid entering Gaza, taking a portion for its leaders and selling the rest at high prices.

As a result, the cost of a single cigarette has soared to 20 shekels (about $6), and Hamas still controls smuggling operations for goods through its members in the West Bank.

Goods entering Gaza through private wholesalers face heavy taxes from Hamas. The Israeli army claims that Hamas has set up a trade system with the West Bank and Türkiye, allowing it to pay salaries to its members.

This system enables traders in Gaza to buy goods from the West Bank, with payments processed through Hamas. Money sent from Türkiye is used to pay wholesalers in Hebron or Nablus.

Hamas also posts on Telegram, inviting healthcare workers to Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis to collect their salaries, as well as teachers to specific schools for payment.

Hamas leaders maintain command centers in various neighborhoods, which are known to the public.

Those who go to these centers seeking help may face serious consequences, including detention for questioning, punishment, or even death for minor offenses like theft.

Israeli generals say the failure to recruit local leaders for Gaza is largely due to fear of Hamas’s violent crackdown.

With the Palestinian Authority refusing to take on any responsibilities in the enclave, Hamas remains the only group managing affairs.

In response, Hamas is working to reopen markets, shops, and restaurants selling traditional sweets like knafeh and baklava across Gaza. They are also cleaning streets, removing debris, and improving drainage systems.

In light of the situation, the Israeli army is preparing to appoint a “temporary military governor” to oversee Gaza.

It recognizes that military rule will involve daily interactions with the local population and Hamas operatives, leading to a prolonged occupation and resistance.