Israel-Gaza: Navigating the Buffer Zone Dilemma

An Israeli Merkava tank near the separation barrier between southern Israel and Gaza (Reuters)
An Israeli Merkava tank near the separation barrier between southern Israel and Gaza (Reuters)
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Israel-Gaza: Navigating the Buffer Zone Dilemma

An Israeli Merkava tank near the separation barrier between southern Israel and Gaza (Reuters)
An Israeli Merkava tank near the separation barrier between southern Israel and Gaza (Reuters)

Inherently, humans are territorial. Throughout the agricultural revolution, spanning over 15 thousand years, land has been a focal point of conflict among peoples.

The possession of land equates to power and wealth, leading to wars of invasion and occupation, culminating in the era of colonization during the industrial revolution.

Even in today’s age, with the technological revolution, territorial wars and invasions persist, ranging from Ukraine to Gaza.

Land control remains a fundamental consideration in strategic and security calculations.

Geographic depth, in a way, is deemed essential for both individual and national security.

The spatial dimension can be translated into time, ensuring early warning of impending danger. The farther away the geographical threat, the more time is available to prepare for its deterrence.

The geographical buffer may be artificial or, more precisely, prearranged between certain countries.

It can serve as an alternative solution to military confrontation, particularly when the interests of these nations intersect.

In the Great Game between Russia and Britain in Central Asia, what is now known as Afghanistan was established.

This occurred after the English Lord Mortimer Durand drew a 2,670-kilometer line that did not define the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Consequently, Afghanistan can be seen as playing the role of a buffer state during that time.

Israel grapples with a geographical dilemma, lacking geographic depth in terms of its length and width.

For instance, Israel’s width in its narrowest region does not exceed 15 kilometers, situated between the West Bank and the sea.

From a purely security standpoint, this distance means that a single Katyusha rocket has the potential to disrupt life in Tel Aviv.

Israel is currently engaged in a campaign of eradication in Gaza, occasionally alluding to the establishment of buffer zones within the territory.

As for past experiences, Israel has experimented with buffer zones, notably through the use of smart fences, but these attempts have proven unsuccessful.

The limited size of the Gaza Strip (365 square kilometers) does not allow for the creation of buffer zones within it, particularly given its high population density.

Israel cannot maintain control within the buffer zones in the presence of fighters from Hamas and other organizations.

Therefore, the situation necessitates the complete elimination of all organizations in the sector. So far, the factor of time is working against Israeli forces.

If all organizations are eliminated, who will govern Gaza? Who will volunteer for such a task? Can the Security Council issue a resolution to manage the sector, considering the possibility of a Chinese or Russian veto?



On Lebanon Border, Israel and Hezbollah’s Deadly Game of Patience

Smoke is seen as an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is intercepted following its launch from Lebanon, amid cross-border hostilities between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, at Kibbutz Eilon in northern Israel, July 23, 2024. (Reuters)
Smoke is seen as an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is intercepted following its launch from Lebanon, amid cross-border hostilities between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, at Kibbutz Eilon in northern Israel, July 23, 2024. (Reuters)
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On Lebanon Border, Israel and Hezbollah’s Deadly Game of Patience

Smoke is seen as an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is intercepted following its launch from Lebanon, amid cross-border hostilities between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, at Kibbutz Eilon in northern Israel, July 23, 2024. (Reuters)
Smoke is seen as an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is intercepted following its launch from Lebanon, amid cross-border hostilities between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, at Kibbutz Eilon in northern Israel, July 23, 2024. (Reuters)

In deserted villages and communities near the southern Lebanon border, Israeli troops and Hezbollah fighters have watched each other for months, shifting and adapting in a battle for the upper hand while they wait to see if a full scale war will come.

Ever since the start of the Gaza war last October, the two sides have exchanged daily barrages of rockets, artillery, missile fire and air strikes in a standoff that has just stopped short of full-scale war.

Tens of thousands have been evacuated from both sides of the border, and hopes that children may be able to return for the start of the new school year in September appear to have been dashed following an announcement by Israeli Education Minister Yoav Kisch on Tuesday that conditions would not allow it.

"The war is almost the same for the past nine months," Lieutenant Colonel Dotan, an Israeli officer, who could only be identified by his first name. "We have good days of hitting Hezbollah and bad days where they hit us. It's almost the same, all year, all the nine months."

As the summer approaches its peak, the smoke trails of drones and rockets in the sky have become a daily sight, with missiles regularly setting off brush fires in the thickly wooded hills along the border.

Israeli strikes have killed nearly 350 Hezbollah fighters in Lebanon and more than 100 civilians, including medics, children and journalists, while 10 Israeli civilians, a foreign agricultural worker and 20 Israeli soldiers have been killed.

Even so, as the cross border firing has continued, Israeli forces have been training for a possible offensive in Lebanon which would dramatically increase the risk of a wider regional war, potentially involving Iran and the United States.

That risk was underlined at the weekend when the Yemen-based Houthis, a militia which like Hezbollah is backed by Iran, sent a drone to Tel Aviv where it caused a blast that killed a man and prompted Israel to launch a retaliatory raid the next day.

Standing in his home kibbutz of Eilon, where only about 150 farmers and security guards remain from a normal population of 1,100, Lt. Colonet Dotan said the two sides have been testing each other for months, in a constantly evolving tactical battle.

"This war taught us patience," said Dotan. "In the Middle East, you need patience."

He said Israeli troops had seen an increasing use of Iranian drones, of a type frequently seen in Ukraine, as well as Russian-made Kornet anti tank missiles which were increasingly targeting houses as Israeli tank forces adapted their own tactics in response.

"Hezbollah is a fast-learning organization and they understood that UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) are the next big thing and so they went and bought and got trained in UAVs," he said.

Israel had responded by adapting its Iron Dome air defense system and focusing its own operations on weakening Hezbollah's organizational structure by attacking its experienced commanders, such as Ali Jaafar Maatuk, a field commander in the elite Radwan forces unit who was killed last week.

"So that's another weak point we found. We target them and we look for them on a daily basis," he said.

Even so, as the months have passed, the wait has not been easy for Israeli troops brought up in a doctrine of maneuver and rapid offensive operations.

"When you're on defense, you can't defeat the enemy. We understand that, we have no expectations," he said, "So we have to wait. It's a patience game."