Gaza Journalists Both Witnesses and Victims of War

 A mourner reacts as Palestinians attend the funeral of Al Jazeera cameraman Samer Abu Daqqa, who according to the Arabic broadcaster was killed by an Israeli drone strike on Friday while reporting on the earlier bombing of a school sheltering displaced people but Israel's military did not respond to a request for comment, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip December 16, 2023. (Reuters)
A mourner reacts as Palestinians attend the funeral of Al Jazeera cameraman Samer Abu Daqqa, who according to the Arabic broadcaster was killed by an Israeli drone strike on Friday while reporting on the earlier bombing of a school sheltering displaced people but Israel's military did not respond to a request for comment, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip December 16, 2023. (Reuters)
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Gaza Journalists Both Witnesses and Victims of War

 A mourner reacts as Palestinians attend the funeral of Al Jazeera cameraman Samer Abu Daqqa, who according to the Arabic broadcaster was killed by an Israeli drone strike on Friday while reporting on the earlier bombing of a school sheltering displaced people but Israel's military did not respond to a request for comment, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip December 16, 2023. (Reuters)
A mourner reacts as Palestinians attend the funeral of Al Jazeera cameraman Samer Abu Daqqa, who according to the Arabic broadcaster was killed by an Israeli drone strike on Friday while reporting on the earlier bombing of a school sheltering displaced people but Israel's military did not respond to a request for comment, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip December 16, 2023. (Reuters)

Journalists in the Gaza Strip are paying a heavy price to cover the war between Israel and Hamas, with scores already killed and injured.

Those surviving face constant danger from the relentless Israeli bombardment of the Palestinian territory, as well as grappling with communications difficulties, concern for their families and shortages of basic goods.

"Our work is to document the war, to let the world know what is happening," Gazan journalist Hind Khoudary told AFP.

But they know it comes at a cost. On Friday, Al Jazeera cameraman Samer Abu Daqqa became the latest fatality -- killed while reporting in southern Gaza.

More journalists have been killed in the Gaza war over such a short period than in any other conflict in at least 30 years, said media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, at least 64 media professionals -- including journalists, photographers, cameramen, technicians and drivers -- have been killed, most in Gaza, since Hamas militants stormed across the border into Israel on October 7.

Each day is "a question of life or death," said Palestinian photojournalist Motaz Azaiza.

Some have died in bombardments, at home with their families. Others have died while practicing their profession.

Three journalists were killed in Lebanon amid hostilities with Hezbollah along Israel's northern border, and four Israeli media workers were killed during the Hamas attack on their kibbutz.

According to an AFP tally based on the latest official Israeli figures, some 1,140 people were killed in southern Israel that day, and around 250 taken hostage and dragged back to Gaza.

Vowing to wipe out Hamas, Israel has kept up a relentless bombardment of Gaza which has so far killed more than 19,400 people, according to the Hamas-run health ministry.

Forced to flee

Like some 1.9 million Gazans, Khoudary has had to flee south, leaving behind her office and her home -- "a piece of my heart", she said.

She set out first for the Al-Shifa hospital, where thousands sought refuge, then trekked to Rafah on the closed southern border with Egypt. But she has never stopped documenting "the horrors" of the war.

What is happening in Gaza is "the suffocation of journalism," said Jonathan Dagher, head of RSF for the Middle East.

Even before the war erupted, journalists had a tough time in Gaza under the rule of Hamas, which gained control of the territory in 2007.

"Under Hamas, doing journalism has changed significantly from the situation under the Palestinian Authority" which is less restrictive, said Adel Zaanoun, a journalist with AFP for nearly 30 years.

"Hamas usually doesn't object to coverage of Israeli military operations, but completely banned any coverage of its own military activities, including of military posts, weapons and tunnels."

The group, considered a terrorist organization by the United States, the European Union and Israel, "has also banned any coverage of corruption in their government", and its "security forces do not condone any criticism on social media".

Since the fighting began, Rami Abu Jamus, a journalist and fixer for numerous French outlets, has been documenting life in Gaza -- "a duty" he calls it.

Losing loved ones

In between videos of bodies and pleas from the wounded, there are others when he plays with his daughter coaxing a smile from her.

Followed by more than 17 million people, photojournalist Azaiza also captures in his pictures and livestreams the distress of the displaced, as well as his own "despair".

Both witness and participant, he has also pulled bodies from the rubble or transported injured children to hospital.

All of the journalists AFP interviewed -- including two working with the agency -- have buried a loved one, relative or friend since the start of the war.

Sometimes tragedy strikes at work. While live on camera, Al Jazeera's Gaza bureau chief Wael al-Dahdouh learned of the death of his wife and two children in an Israeli strike.

"My greatest fear was never doing my job, but rather losing my loved ones," he told AFP.

On Friday, Dahdouh was also wounded in the arm during the same strike that killed cameraman Abu Daqqa.

During the war Palestinian journalists "have experienced a life of displacement, homelessness, and forced relocation," Dahdouh added.

'Open the doors'

Since the war began, RSF has decried the "inability of Israel to protect the reporters on the ground, who have no safe refuge".

And while everyone in Gaza is suffering from a lack of fuel, food and water, journalists are in desperate need of electricity to charge phones, cameras and computers.

The grid is often down, and communications frequently cut.

"In cutting off the internet, the Israeli authorities are preventing journalists from working. It's a blow to the right to information," said RSF's Dagher.

Journalists have had to resort to ingenious methods to keep working - filing from rooftops to capture a signal amid frequent telecommunications blackouts.

RSF has urged authorities to "open the doors" of the Rafah border crossing, controlled by Egypt, so "journalists can finally come and go on either side of the border".

After 73 days of war, AFP's Zaanoun is exhausted. His only wish is to "get my family to safety".



Targeting of Deif: Symbolic Blow to Al-Qassam Brigades Deepens Leadership Crisis

Palestinians stand near covered bodies after an Israeli air strike in the Al-Mawasi area of Khan Yunis, southern Gaza Strip, 13 July 2024. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER
Palestinians stand near covered bodies after an Israeli air strike in the Al-Mawasi area of Khan Yunis, southern Gaza Strip, 13 July 2024. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER
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Targeting of Deif: Symbolic Blow to Al-Qassam Brigades Deepens Leadership Crisis

Palestinians stand near covered bodies after an Israeli air strike in the Al-Mawasi area of Khan Yunis, southern Gaza Strip, 13 July 2024. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER
Palestinians stand near covered bodies after an Israeli air strike in the Al-Mawasi area of Khan Yunis, southern Gaza Strip, 13 July 2024. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER

Israel killed dozens of Palestinians on Saturday in an attempt to assassinate Mohammed Deif, leader of Hamas’ military wing, the Al-Qassam Brigades, alongside his deputy, the head of the Khan Younis brigade, Rafa Salama.

This is at least the seventh attempt in 30 years to eliminate Deif.

Israel awaits confirmation of Deif’s death, which, if confirmed, would be a significant propaganda victory during the current Gaza conflict. Hamas denies Israel’s claims, calling the incident another civilian massacre.

The potential success of this operation raises questions about its impact on the Al-Qassam Brigades, whose leaders have been targeted since Israel’s recent conflict escalation following the Oct.7 attacks.

Understanding Deif’s role is crucial—he is the second leader of the Al-Qassam Brigades, assuming his position after the assassination by the Israeli army of its former commander, Salah Shahada, on July 23, 2002.

However, he is widely regarded as the architect of the group’s significant military strength.

Sources informed Asharq Al-Awsat that shortly after assuming leadership of Al-Qassam Brigades, specifically in 2003, Deif swiftly obtained authorization from Hamas’ political leadership to establish a large military force, effectively an army, and immediately began implementation.

Despite numerous assassination attempts and the loss of many of his aides and family members, Deif has never ceased in his efforts, persisting in building this “large army” which has over the years become the foremost Palestinian force and to some extent, a deterrent against Israel.

Since the Oct. 7 attacks, Israel’s repeated attempts to assassinate Deif have intensified, following six previous failed efforts.

Deif’s ability to evade capture elevated him beyond his role in Hamas’ Al-Qassam Brigades to a symbol of Palestinian resilience.

Israel claims Deif was the driving force behind Hamas’ military strength and the mastermind behind their tunnel network.

His potential absence could impact morale within Al-Qassam Brigades.

Nevertheless, Al-Qassam Brigades have a history of displaying flexibility in their military structure.

For example, when Israel assassinated Ahmed Jabari, known as Hamas’ “Chief of Staff,” in 2012, Marwan Issa was immediately appointed as his successor. In the aftermath of the Oct.7 attacks, Israel killed Issa.

Al-Qassam Brigades have a comprehensive military structure encompassing military justice, manufacturing, oversight, support and combat weapons, operations, intelligence, internal front, human resources, and institutes and colleges.

If Israel succeeds in assassinating Deif and Salama, it would have eliminated nearly all members of the military council.

The exceptions include Mohammed Shabana, leader of the Rafah Brigade, Azzedine al-Haddad, commander of the Gaza Brigade, and the uncertain fate of Raed Saad, previously claimed to be assassinated by Israel without confirmation, along with Mohammed al-Sinwar, brother of Gaza’s Hamas leader Yahya al-Sinwar.

The Sinwar brothers are known to be close associates of Deif and are believed to be alive.

Despite the ongoing assassinations that have targeted 14 brigade commanders and other leaders across Gaza, Hamas sources suggest that if Deif is killed and the Sinwar brothers survive, Mohammed al-Sinwar is likely to take over leadership of the Al-Qassam Brigades.

According to Hamas sources, the brigades’ future leadership will be decided by the political bureau, adapting to the operational situation.

Operations will continue under a structure established since the fourth month of the ongoing conflict, with each brigade following a hierarchical command from the brigade commander down to unit leaders, factions, and other military groups.

Despite losing many political and military leaders over the years, including its founders, Hamas remains strong in Gaza.