Ghassan Salameh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Elements for Resolving Palestinian-Israeli Conflict Unavailable Yet

At the end of every year, we always pause to assess the developments that took place over the past months and what impact they will have on the coming year. Asharq Al-Awsat sat down with Lebanese former minister Ghassan Salameh in Paris to review 2023 and discuss what 2024 has in store.

Sitting down with Salameh, who had worked with the United Nations in Iraq, Libya and Myanmar, is an enriching experience in itself given his extensive experience and long career. Asharq Al-Awsat sat with him for an in-depth assessment of the situation in the region and the world.

Quick glance at 2023

What are the key moments that stood out for you in 2023?

The year 2023 was a lot more positive on the economic level than was predicted in 2022, which was very negative. We witnessed China’s return to the global market and weak growth in western countries as the world combated rising inflation.

The war on Ukraine continued unabated in 2023. Ukraine launched its counteroffensive against Russia in Donbas, and it ended in failure. Ukraine has only really reclaimed few of its territories. This has weakened the position of the Ukrainian president, who is staring down the barrel of a gun, so to speak.

Moreover, Russian President Vladimir Putin succeeded in crushing the revolt by the Wagner chief, who had taken everyone by surprise. Two months later, he was killed in a plane accident. Putin continues to bank on time, which he believes is in his favor. Russia has the capabilities to secure the needs of its army, while Ukraine can only rely on foreign assistance in providing it with gear and weapons.

Turning to Africa, 2023 witnessed the return of military coups that took place in eight of its countries. So, democracy in Africa is on the decline. Another development is the expulsion of French forces from Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger and others. So, France’s influence there is also on the decline.

The world is meanwhile bracing for elections in over 60 countries, including the United States, India, South Africa and others. The European Union will be voting for a new European parliament. All of this will impact foreign policies as they become intertwined with electoral interests.

Diseases of Arab countries

Varied and numerous crises are sweeping the region, from Lebanon to Syria, Iraq, Libya, Yemen, Tunisia and Sudan. Is there a common factor that is leading to this turmoil and is there a solution to it?

There are several common factors to these crises, but each country also has its own unique elements. One of the common elements is the massive population growth that took place in these countries in the 20th century. The rise dipped slightly in the 21st century. The generation produced by the population explosion is now in its 20s and 30s and they are struggling to find jobs.

We are primarily paying the price for this population explosion. The unemployed youth, who have earned their education at universities, have grown frustrated with the lack of opportunities.

This is the general sentiment across the Arab world, from Morocco to Iraq. Another factor that has fueled the crises are the so-called Arab Spring revolts that had an impact on nearly half of the Arab world, including Egypt, Syria, Tunisia, Algeria, Yemen and others, and had brought with them hopes for change. The hopes were dashed, and the revolts were a failure. Perhaps those hopes were never real in the first place.

The youths in particular had high hopes that change was possible. Regimes that they sought to change replaced the hope they clung onto. These regimes are even more controlling than the ones toppled by the Arab Spring. Civil wars were also another product of these failed revolts, and they continue to rage to this day in Yemen and Syria.

Fate of ‘Lebanese formula’

Let’s turn to Lebanon, which is racking up one crisis after another, from financial, constitutional, institutional, social, political and the list goes on. I have a radical question: Are the successive crises a sign that the so-called “Lebanese formula” is no longer viable? Can there be a replacement?

My reply won’t be any less radical. Circumstances would have it that I played a modest role in drafting the Taif Accord. I worked alongside the Arab committee that was seeking to resolve the Lebanese civil war in 1989. I want to stress that it never occurred to us at the time that we were working on reaching the best constitutional model suitable for Lebanon. We were only seeking an end to war, an end to the severe shelling, destruction and death. In short, we were seeking a transitional formula that would end the war.

So, I see this unshakable attachment to the Taif as misguided. We had hoped that post-war Lebanon would embark on a period of peace, stability and prosperity that would allow its people to come up with the system that they were hoping for. It is necessary to address this issue because some officials have turned the Taif Accord into some sort of holy book. It is not holy. It is beneficial and it was beneficial back then. I was proud to have been part of drafting it.

A second point: A country that needs a year, or two or three to elect a president every time the post is vacant; or needs months and months to form a government; and then needs months and months to reach an agreement on extending the term of the army commander and naming an employee as head of the Central Bank are all signs that this country is suffering from a system that does not work for it.

The current system doesn’t favor the Lebanese people. This is my radical answer to your radical question.

So, what’s the substitute? The challenge is finding the right time and circumstances to broach this issue. Lebanon needs a degree of internal stability and foreign support to change hearts and minds that would pave the way for a new system. These conditions are not available. But in the meantime, I am not opposed to temporary solutions, such as electing a president from among the candidates who are running, or forming a government with whatever is at hand.

The new president and government’s priority must be restoring normal work at state institutions and then tackling the constitutional issue: Do they want a more decentralized system or more centralized one? The Taif Accord does speak of decentralization, but some parties fear that it would lead to the fragmentation of the state.

Gaza war and two-state solution

Turning to the war on Gaza. I have three questions: How can this conflict be resolved? Are powers being serious about again floating the two-state solution or are they deluding the Palestinians? Can we count on the Americans being serious about reaching a political solution?

I will ask my own questions here: Are the Palestinians ready to play this historic role of forming a viable Palestinian state? My answer is no. Hamas is not accepted and the Palestinian Authority is incapable. So, we are now confronted with Palestinian vacuum. There is a need to turn to a new, credible and acceptable Palestinian party.

On the other side of the divide, we need an Israeli party. At the moment, that party is unavailable. We have a very extremist government that is very openly against the two-state solution. This position is not voiced by extremist ministers, like Bezalel Smotrich, alone, but even by its prime minister. The war cabinet is also very extremist.

A solution needs a mediator between the Israelis and Palestinians. The only mediator who can pressure Israel is the United States. It deployed aircraft carriers to deter Israel’s enemies and decided to add 14 billion dollars to the 4 billion it already pays Israel every year. It is also preventing the UN Security Council from voting on a resolution that enjoys the support of the remaining 14 members. So, Washington has the real means to pressure Israel that any other party, including Europe and China, do not.

The problem, however, is that the mediator – the US – is missing. Why? Because US President Joe Biden, back from when he was a senator and throughout 40 years of his life, has completely sided with Israel’s interests. This did not change when he became president. Biden is a greater Israel supporter than any one of his aides. I am not saying this from mere observation, but from actual knowledge.

Biden’s hands are tied because he is entering the final year of his first term in office and is engaged in an electoral battle. Some voices from among the youth are urging him to be less extreme in this conflict. On the other hand, he needs funding that may or will be provided from sources that urge him to continue this unyielding support for Israel.

Given the above, the solution is out of reach. I fear that the war will spill over into the West Bank, where tensions are high and over 300 Palestinians have been killed. The war may also spread to southern Lebanon. Some officials in Israel are claiming that conditions are ripe to wage a war on Lebanon.

More and more voices in Israel are calling for war on Lebanon, including defense minister Yoav Gallant. But in spite of their support for Israel’s war on Gaza, the Americans are opposed to opening a new front with Lebanon. Biden informed them of this during the first week of the conflict and again some two weeks ago when more threats were made against Lebanon. The danger here is that Israel doesn’t always abide by America’s wishes.

On the walls of the palatial mausoleum built to house the remains of former Syrian President Hafez Assad, vandals have sprayed variations of the phrase, “Damn your soul, Hafez.”
Nearly two weeks after the ouster of his son, Bashar Assad, people streamed in to take photos next to the burned-out hollow where the elder Assad’s grave used to be. It was torched by opposition fighters after a lightning offensive overthrew Assad's government, bringing more than a half-century rule by the Assad dynasty to an end, The Associated Press said.
The mausoleum's sprawling grounds — and the surrounding area, where the ousted president and other relatives had villas — were until recently off limits to residents of Qardaha, the former presidential dynasty's hometown in the mountains overlooking the coastal city of Latakia.
Nearby, Bashar Assad’s house was emptied by looters, who left the water taps running to flood it. At a villa belonging to three of his cousins, a father and his two young sons were removing pipes to sell the scrap metal. A gutted piano was tipped over on the floor.
While the Assads lived in luxury, most Qardaha residents — many, like Assad, members of the Alawite minority sect — survived on manual labor, low-level civil service jobs and farming to eke out a living. Many sent their sons to serve in the army, not out of loyalty to the government but because they had no other option.
“The situation was not what the rest of the Syrian society thought,” said Deeb Dayoub, an Alawite sheikh. “Everyone thought Qardaha was a city built on a marble rock and a square of aquamarine in every house," he said, referring to the trappings of wealth enjoyed by Assad's family.
In the city’s main street, a modest strip of small grocery stores and clothing shops, Ali Youssef, stood next to a coffee cart, gesturing with disdain. “This street is the best market and the best street in Qardaha and it’s full of potholes.”
Families resorted to eating bread dipped in oil and salt because they could not afford meat or vegetables, he said. Youssef said he dodged mandatory military service for two years, but eventually was forced to go.
“Our salary was 300,000 Syrian pounds,” a month, he said — just over $20. “We used to send it to our families to pay the rent or live and eat with it" while working jobs on the side to cover their own expenses.
"Very few people benefited from the former deposed regime,” Youssef said.
So far, residents said, the security forces made up of fighters from Hayat Tahrir al-Sham — the main group in the coalition that unseated Assad, and which is now ruling the country — have been respectful toward them.
“The security situation is fine so far, it’s acceptable, no major issues,” said Mariam al-Ali, who was in the market with her daughter. “There were a few abuses ... but it was fixed.” She did not elaborate, but others said there had been scattered incidents of robberies and looting or threats and insults.
Al-Ali called Assad a “traitor,” but she remained circumspect about her Alawite community's position in the new Syria.
“The most important thing is that there should be no sectarianism, so there will be no more blood spilled,” she said.
Dayoub, the Alawite sheikh, described “a state of anticipation and caution among all citizens in this area, and in general among Alawites,” although he said fears have started to ease.
At the town’s municipal building, dozens of notables sat on bleachers discussing the country' s new reality and what they hoped to convey to the new leadership.
Much was centered around economic woes — retired public servants' salaries had not been paid, the price of fuel had risen, there was no public transportation in the area.
But others had larger concerns.
“We hope that in the next government or the new Syria, we will have rights and duties like any Syrian citizen — we are not asking for any more or less,” said Jaafar Ahmed, a doctoral student and community activist. “We don’t accept the curtailment of our rights because the regime was part of this component.”
Questions also loomed about the fate of the area's sons who had served in Assad's army.
Since the army's collapse in the face of the opposition advance, residents said several thousand young army recruits from Qardaha have gone missing. Some later turned up on lists of former soldiers being held at a detention center in Hama.
“These are young guys who are 22 or 23 and they never took part" in active combat, said Qais Ibrahim, whose nephews were among the missing. Over the past few years, active combat was largely frozen in the country's civil war. “We send our children to the army because we don’t have any other source of income.”
Um Jaafar, who gave only her nickname out of fear of reprisals, said the family had no information about the fate of her two sons, stationed with the army in Raqqa and Deir Ezzour, though one son's name later turned up on the list of those imprisoned in Hama.
“My children got the best grades in school, but I didn’t have the ability to send them to the university,” she said. “They went to the army just for a salary that was barely enough to cover their transportation costs.”
Syria's new authorities have set up “reconciliation centers” around the country where former soldiers can register, hand over their weapons and receive a “reconciliation ID” allowing them to move freely and safely in Syria for three months.
But Ahmed, the doctoral student, said he wants more. As the country attempts to unify and move on after nearly 14 years of civil war, he said, “We want either forgiveness for all or accountability for all.”
Ahmed acknowledged that during the war, “rural Latakia was responsible for some radical groups,” referring to pro-Assad militias accused of widespread abuses against civilians. But, he said, opposition groups also committed abuses.
“We hope that there will be either an open process of reconciliation ... or transitional justice in which all will be held accountable for their mistakes, from all parties," he said.
"We can’t talk about holding accountable one ... group but not another.”

Ghassan Salameh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Elements for Resolving Palestinian-Israeli Conflict Unavailable Yet