Ukraine Needs Money from the US and Europe to Keep Its Economy Running. Will the Aid Come? 

A general view shows a building heavily damaged by a Russian missile strike, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in central Kharkiv, Ukraine January 17, 2024. (Reuters)
A general view shows a building heavily damaged by a Russian missile strike, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in central Kharkiv, Ukraine January 17, 2024. (Reuters)
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Ukraine Needs Money from the US and Europe to Keep Its Economy Running. Will the Aid Come? 

A general view shows a building heavily damaged by a Russian missile strike, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in central Kharkiv, Ukraine January 17, 2024. (Reuters)
A general view shows a building heavily damaged by a Russian missile strike, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in central Kharkiv, Ukraine January 17, 2024. (Reuters)

Ukraine's hard-won economic stability is under threat again as the government faces a large budget hole and its two biggest allies and sponsors — the United States and the European Union — have so far failed to decide on extending more aid.

Without pledges of support by the start of February — when EU leaders meet to decide on aid — and if no money arrives by March, that could risk the progress Ukraine has made against inflation. It has helped ordinary people keep paying rent, put food on the table and resist Russia's efforts to break their society's spirit.

The issue was on the minds of US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy when they met at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland on Tuesday.

"We’re determined to sustain our support" for Ukraine, Blinken said, "we’re working very closely with Congress in order to do that. I know our European colleagues are doing the same thing."

Here are key things to know about Ukraine's economy and why funding from allies is crucial:

HOW IS UKRAINE'S ECONOMY DOING? The International Monetary Fund has said Ukraine's economy has showed "remarkable resilience." The first months of the war in 2022 saw the country lose a third of its economic output to occupation and destruction because Russia controls the heartland of Ukraine's heavy industry.

Inflation also soared to a whopping 26% because the central bank had to print money to cover yawning budget gaps.

However, things rebounded last year, with inflation falling to 5.7% and the economy growing 4.9% — more than some major economies like Germany. Ukraine's banking system has kept functioning, schools and health clinics are open, and pensions are being paid.

That's a lifeline for people like Nadiia Astreiko and her 93-year-old mother, who live on their combined pensions of $170 a month.

"The war has changed everyone’s life," said Astreiko, 63. "In terms of money, it’s also hard because now I have to count every penny. ... It's very hard for us."

WHY DOES UKRAINE NEED FINANCIAL HELP? Ukraine spends almost all the money it brings in through taxes to fund the war. That leaves a huge deficit because there are other bills to keep society functioning, like old-age pensions and salaries for teachers, doctors, nurses and state employees.

At the beginning of the war, Ukraine resorted to having the central bank print new money, a dangerous stopgap because it can fuel inflation and destroy the value of the country's hryvnia currency.

As donor contributions became more regular and predictable, Ukraine was able to halt the practice, and the budget passed by parliament in November does not rely on it.

One key accomplishment was adjusting old-age pensions, which can be about the equivalent of $100 per month, to compensate for inflation, said Hlib Vyshlinsky, executive director of the Center for Economic Strategy, a policy institution in Kyiv.

Printing money again and the resulting inflation "would bring a lot of people into real poverty," he said.

To avoid that again, Ukraine needs "a decision by the start of February, and the money by the beginning of March," Vyshlinsky said.

WHAT'S THE IMPACT ON ORDINARY PEOPLE? Ukraine is significantly poorer than the rest of Europe. Millions of people are like Astreiko and her mother, with 80% of their money covering food and the rest going to buy medicines for Astreiko's mother.

The only way to afford things like clothes or shoes is to skimp on food and medicine.

The pair eat fish twice a week, and meat once or twice a week. For vegetables, mushrooms and fruit, Astreiko grows them herself or picks them in the forest and cans or freezes them for winter.

She insists there are bigger worries than the economy — soldiers are dying and frequent missile strikes hit Kyiv, where her grandchildren live.

"We will survive. If only the war would end," Astreiko said.

The economic rebound has helped sustain businesses like Dmytro Felixov's concert.ua website, one of the most widely used in Ukraine for purchasing tickets to plays, concerts and comedy shows. He's been through more than one crisis, including Russia's 2014 seizure of the Crimea Peninsula.

He says the war has led to a "certain cultural renaissance" and sparked heightened interest in Ukrainian culture. He envisions a return to prewar profit levels around 2025, saying, "Our business will survive."

Even the frequent missile attacks no longer significantly affect Felixov’s business. During a record number of missile and drone attacks by Russia on Dec. 29, ticket sales dipped by 20%, only to rebound to normal levels the following day, he said.

If before people went to performances for relaxation, now they help people decompress, he said: "They go to concerts to heal."

WHERE DO THINGS STAND NOW? Ukraine's budget this year calls for $41 billion in donor money to close the deficit and avoid printing money. Ukraine is counting on $8.5 billion from the US and $18 billion from the EU, but that's still uncertain.

EU leaders in December failed to agree on a four-year, $52 billion package of assistance. Hungary blocked the agreement, which requires unanimity from all 27 EU members. The bloc is working, however, to find a way for the remaining 26 countries to come up with the money ahead of a leaders' summit on Feb. 1.

Less certain is the situation in Washington, where congressional Republicans have tied money for Ukraine to border security measures aimed at preventing illegal entry by migrants. There's no decision yet.

The White House in October asked Congress for $11.8 billion to provide 12 months of budget support. The money would "ensure that Putin does not succeed in collapsing the Ukrainian economy," Office of Management and Budget Director Shalanda D. Young wrote in an Oct. 20 letter to Congress.

Zelenskyy said Tuesday in Davos that he believed it was "a matter of weeks" until the EU and US come through with more aid.

The IMF has played a key role in rallying support, approving a $15.6 billion, four-year loan program for Ukraine. That money leveraged $115 billion more from other donors because it imposes conditions to ensure good economic policy and requires Ukraine to improve its legal and tax systems and fight corruption.

There's a debate about seizing some $300 billion in Russian assets held abroad that have been frozen by governments supporting Ukraine. That money could, in theory, relieve the logjams over taxpayer money in Washington and Brussels — but faces concerns about the legal precedent and economic impact of such a drastic step.



Libya Political Process Deadlocked

Col. Muammar Gaddafi
Col. Muammar Gaddafi
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Libya Political Process Deadlocked

Col. Muammar Gaddafi
Col. Muammar Gaddafi

Libya has undergone significant changes since the fall of Col. Muammar Gaddafi in 2011. The Libyans have struggled to establish a stable government, leading to the country being split into two main factions: One in the west backed by Türkiye and another in the east supported by Russia.

However, the reality is more complex than just two competing governments.

This report highlights the main players in the power struggle in Libya today, focusing on the Government of National Unity led by Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh in Tripoli and the eastern government backed by parliament and Marshal Khalifa Haftar’s forces.

The report also explains why the UN-led political process has stalled and explores the influence of five key figures in Libya’s political landscape, the armed groups in Tripoli, and the rise of powerful families in both the east and west.

In 2011, Libyan rebels closed in on Tripoli, Gaddafi’s stronghold, and stormed his heavily fortified complex at Bab al-Aziziya. Armed groups, including some with ties to extremist movements, took over the complex, signaling the collapse of Gaddafi’s rule, though he continued to resist until he was killed near Sirte in October of that year.

Thirteen years after Gaddafi’s fall, Libya remains divided between two rival governments.

The Libyan army, which fell with Gaddafi’s regime, has largely been rebuilt in the east under Haftar’s command. In the west, the situation is more chaotic, with various armed groups operating under Dbeibeh’s government, each controlling different areas.

The conflict is further complicated by foreign involvement: Türkiye supports the western forces with troops and allied Syrian mercenaries, while Russia backs Haftar in the east and south, first through the Wagner Group and now with a direct military presence, raising concerns about a new Russian foothold on the Mediterranean.

The political process to reach a settlement in Libya has been stalled for years. International envoys come and go, but none have succeeded, and there is no solution in sight.

Since Gaddafi’s fall, Libya has changed a lot, but the new system remains unclear. To help explain the current situation, we spoke with Tim Eaton, a top Libya analyst at Chatham House in London.

Political Process... Dead in the Water

When asked about the status of the UN-led political process in Libya, Eaton started by clarifying that it is currently in the hands of Stephanie Khouri, the acting head of the UN mission in Libya (UNSMIL).

She was initially appointed as the deputy to UN envoy Abdoulaye Bathily, but after his resignation, she ended up leading the mission. However, since Khouri wasn’t appointed by the UN Security Council, she’s not an official special envoy, and her role is less defined, coming directly from the UN Secretary-General.

There’s ongoing discussion about who will be the next special envoy to Libya, but given the challenges within the Security Council, appointing someone has been difficult and remains a tough task. In short, it’s increasingly hard to get a new envoy through a Security Council vote.

As for the political stalemate that Libya is suffering from nowadays, Eaton stressed that the reason behind this is that the political process is dead and hasn't moved at all.

In 2021, under the then deputy head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) for political affairs Stephanie Williams, the Government of National Unity (GNU) was formed.

It was the first government since 2014 to be recognized by both eastern and western Libya, and it was supposed to hold elections by the end of that year. But that didn’t happen.

Critics accused the GNU of blocking the elections, and there were disputes over who could run, with Saif al-Islam Gaddafi’s return causing particular controversy.

After the elections failed to happen in 2022, the eastern House of Representatives formed a new government, but it wasn’t accepted by the broader political scene. So, Libyans were back to having two rival governments.

Jan Kubis, who succeeded Williams, couldn’t move the election process forward. When he left, it was clear elections wouldn’t happen. Williams briefly returned, but was then replaced by Abdoulaye Bathily, the UN special envoy.

Instead of pushing the process forward, Bathily decided to take time to assess the situation and engage in shuttle diplomacy. He focused on trying to get agreement among the five key players but hasn’t made much progress.

The Big Five

According to Eaton, Libya’s “Big Five” are Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh, Prime Minister of the Government of National Unity; Mohamed Takala, President of the High Council of State (recently replaced by Khaled al-Mishri); Aguila Saleh, Speaker of the House of Representatives; Mohamed al-Menfi, Head of the Presidential Council; and military leader Khalifa Haftar.

Bathily’s plan focused on getting these five leaders to sit down and agree on the future, but he couldn’t make it happen. Each of them set conditions that blocked progress.

For example, Dbeibeh refused to participate if the talks were about forming a new government, as it would mean replacing him. Haftar demanded that if the western government was involved, the eastern one must be too. These obstacles led Bathily to resign, as there was nothing solid to build on.

This is where things stand now.

Despite seeming like rivals, the Big Five do cooperate in certain areas. For example, Haftar and Dbeibeh have an understanding on dividing oil revenues.

Family Rule

Eaton doesn’t think that the ongoing division between eastern and western Libya could lead to a real split of the country.

The connection between east and west Libya is stronger than many realize, the analyst affirmed.

What’s happening now is more about powerful families and their networks competing for control, rather than just an east-versus-west divide. In the east, those in power are closely linked to Haftar, while in the west, Dbeibeh’s family has strengthened its control and appointed people with ties to them.

Foreign Fighters

Foreign fighters and mercenaries have been involved in Libya since 2011. Initially, they came from places like Darfur and Chad. Recently, the situation has changed significantly.

During Haftar’s attempts to take Tripoli, he relied on Wagner Group mercenaries, which led Tripoli authorities to seek Turkish support. Türkiye established a permanent presence in the west and brought in Syrian mercenaries. Meanwhile, Wagner expanded its presence in Haftar’s areas.

Wagner’s involvement now seems more like a state relationship with Russia rather than just a mercenary group. Russian Deputy Defense Minister Yunus-Bek Yevkurov has visited eastern Libya frequently, and there is significant Russian military equipment flowing into the region. This growing Russian presence is a major concern for the US.

In the west, the situation is more chaotic. No single family controls all security forces, and Türkiye supports specific groups, such as the 444 Brigade in Tripoli. Türkiye also took control of the Al-Watiya airbase.

Both Türkiye and Russia are firmly established in Libya now. Their presence makes a large-scale war less likely, as the costs would be high. Haftar cannot advance on Tripoli due to Turkish opposition, and when Misrata forces considered moving east, they were deterred by Russian aircraft and Egypt’s declared “red line.”

Foreign fighters have become a permanent part of the Libyan landscape and are likely to stay.