Why Did the IRGC Bomb Erbil?

The IRGC attack destroyed the house of a Kurdish businessman in Erbil (AFP)
The IRGC attack destroyed the house of a Kurdish businessman in Erbil (AFP)
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Why Did the IRGC Bomb Erbil?

The IRGC attack destroyed the house of a Kurdish businessman in Erbil (AFP)
The IRGC attack destroyed the house of a Kurdish businessman in Erbil (AFP)

An attack by the IRGC on the house of a Kurdish businessman in Erbil raised questions among the Kurdistan Democratic Party, led by Masoud Barzani, about Iran’s message and purpose.

The bombing, which Iran said was aimed at “eliminating a target” who was “spying for Israel,” is interpreted differently by allied and competing forces in Iraq. But the context links Iran’s ballistic missiles to a “multi-purpose message.”

Two days before the raid, the President of the Kurdistan Region, Nechervan Barzani, conducted a visit to Baghdad without obtaining from the ruling Coordination Framework a guarantee that the attacks by pro-Iranian factions on Erbil would stop.

Rather, he heard from politicians a “warning” in a “friendly” tone stating that the Kurds’ “desire that the international coalition remains in the region would breach the “agreed upon” fragile truce, as suggested by party and government officials.

Barzani, who is described as “the face of soft Kurdish politics,” has worked over the past years to ease the tension between Baghdad and Erbil, before expressing a bold position last week, as political pressure was mounting in Baghdad.

Last Tuesday, Barzani agreed with the leader of the International Coalition, General Joel Vowell, that the presence of foreign troops was important for the Iraqis in fighting ISIS and developing local military forces.

Following this meeting, Kurdish politicians heard “worrying impressions” from Baghdad talking about “a rapid rush towards the crossroads.”

Today, many believe that the message was delivered through ballistic missiles, and that exerting intense pressure on Erbil would force it to accept the withdrawal of the US forces from Iraqi territory, which represents a “strategic Iranian goal,” as stated by a prominent political advisor.

However, other observers ask: Why did Tehran decide to send this message on its own, on such a devastating scale? Why didn’t it let the Iraqi factions continue the “routine” attacks on the Harir base in Erbil?

During the past two weeks, the armed factions intensified their strikes on American forces stationed in Erbil, while their drone attacks on the Ain al-Assad base, west of the country, declined significantly.

The recent bombing, in terms of context, method and results, is somewhat similar to a strike launched by the IRGC, in March 2022, on the house of businessman Baz Barzanji. Thus, Kurdish figures are suggesting that the IRGC attack was “an attempt to cut off the arms of the Kurdistan Democratic Party leader in trade and energy.”

But Shiite politicians in Baghdad believe that Iran does not need to conduct such attacks, as long as gains can be achieved through “pressure maneuvers,” as it has been doing with the Kurds over the past two decades.

The most convincing hypothesis for the leaders of Kurdish and Shiite parties in Erbil and Baghdad links the recent IRGC strike to its regional scope extending from the Gaza Strip to the Red Sea. Iran, which fears losing its Houthi arm in Yemen, decided to bring closer the confrontation with the Americans in Erbil, in order to buy time or freeze the Western military buildup in warm waters.



Kurdish-Turkish Settlement: Shaping a New Middle East

Tulay Hatimogulları speaks at a press conference. Asharq Al-Awsat file photo
Tulay Hatimogulları speaks at a press conference. Asharq Al-Awsat file photo
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Kurdish-Turkish Settlement: Shaping a New Middle East

Tulay Hatimogulları speaks at a press conference. Asharq Al-Awsat file photo
Tulay Hatimogulları speaks at a press conference. Asharq Al-Awsat file photo

A string of pivotal developments in recent months has forged new and unprecedented dynamics - mainly related to the Kurdish cause - across the region.

The collapse of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s regime on December 8 shifted the calculations of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), pushing them to break their isolation from Iraqi Kurdish factions.

Simultaneously, an overture by Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan, who called for the disarmament of his group, opened communication channels between Türkiye’s Kurds and their counterparts in Iraq and Syria.

At the heart of this political transformation is Tulay Hatimogulları, co-chair of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM). A leftist Turkish politician of Arab Alawite origin, she embodies the complex identities of the Levant and its interconnected communities.

With her modest charisma and approachable style, Hatimogulları rarely turns down a request for a photo or a chat from her Kurdish supporters. An Asharq Al-Awsat correspondent met her in Diyarbakir—known to Kurds as Amed—shortly after her arrival from Ankara.

She was quick to tell them, in fluent Arabic, that she hails from Iskenderun, a region that was part of the autonomous Syrian district of Alexandretta under French control from 1921 until its controversial annexation by Türkiye in 1939, following a disputed referendum and the displacement of many of its original inhabitants.

Hatimogulları comes from a family of Arab Alawites who remained in the area. Today, she stands out as one of the few Turkish politicians capable of mediating between Ankara and the PKK at what many view as a potentially historic moment.

On February 27, Ocalan, who is serving a life sentence in the island prison of İmralı in the Sea of Marmara, issued a call for the PKK to lay down its arms and disband. His message was relayed by DEM party representatives who met him in prison. Ocalan was captured by Turkish special forces in Kenya in February 1999, and since then, most PKK fighters have been based in the mountainous regions of northern Iraq.

Ocalan’s call came after a statement last October by Devlet Bahçeli, leader of the far-right Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and a key ally of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Türkiye’s parliament. Bahçeli proposed a deal to free Ocalan in exchange for the PKK’s cessation of its insurgency.

Hatimogulları, speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, explained that “with the PKK’s announcement of plans to hold a disarmament conference, it is essential that military operations and airstrikes cease. Additionally, the necessary technical and logistical infrastructure must be established to enable direct communication between Ocalan and the PKK.”

The potential developments between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Ocalan could have significant repercussions across the Middle East, with signs of these effects already beginning to emerge.

Both Masoud Barzani, leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), and Nechirvan Barzani, President of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, sent representatives to attend Nowruz celebrations in Amed (Diyarbakir).

During their visit, they met with officials from the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (HDP). In turn, the HDP sent representatives to the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in February to discuss the peace initiative. There, they held talks with officials from the Barzani-led KDP and the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), BafelTalabani.