100 Years After His Death, Russians Shrug at Lenin’s Legacy 

A man walks past a snow-covered aluminum bust depicting Soviet state founder Vladimir Illitch Lenin created by Soviet sculptor Grigory Yastrebenetsky in a park of a museum complex in Razliv, outside Saint Petersburg, on January, 21, 2024. (AFP)
A man walks past a snow-covered aluminum bust depicting Soviet state founder Vladimir Illitch Lenin created by Soviet sculptor Grigory Yastrebenetsky in a park of a museum complex in Razliv, outside Saint Petersburg, on January, 21, 2024. (AFP)
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100 Years After His Death, Russians Shrug at Lenin’s Legacy 

A man walks past a snow-covered aluminum bust depicting Soviet state founder Vladimir Illitch Lenin created by Soviet sculptor Grigory Yastrebenetsky in a park of a museum complex in Razliv, outside Saint Petersburg, on January, 21, 2024. (AFP)
A man walks past a snow-covered aluminum bust depicting Soviet state founder Vladimir Illitch Lenin created by Soviet sculptor Grigory Yastrebenetsky in a park of a museum complex in Razliv, outside Saint Petersburg, on January, 21, 2024. (AFP)

For almost a century after his death, Vladimir Lenin’s carefully preserved body has lain in a purpose-built mausoleum on Red Square — a glaring reminder of Russia’s communist past.

But the father of the 1917 Bolshevik revolution that founded the Soviet Union — and the 100th anniversary of his passing — have largely been ignored by ordinary Russians.

Few official events were scheduled to mark the centenary on Sunday, beyond a Communist Party ceremony at his tomb in the shadow of the Kremlin. For President Vladimir Putin, who has publicly chided Lenin for his supposed role in dividing the Russian Empire into nation states like Ukraine, this is convenient. Putin has instead championed Joseph Stalin.

Putin, Lenin and Ukraine

Putin rarely mentions Lenin. So, his attack on the instigator of the October Revolution, days before ordering his troops into Ukraine on Feb 24, 2022, was notable. In a vitriolic speech questioning Ukraine’s statehood three days before the attack, the Kremlin leader accused Lenin of having “invented” Ukraine when he founded the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).

By giving the Soviet republics a degree of autonomy, Putin argued, Lenin allowed the emergence of nationalism and the eventual implosion of the USSR.

“It was because of Bolshevik policy that the Soviet Ukraine came into being, which (one) would be perfectly justified to call Lenin’s Ukraine,” Putin said. “He is its inventor, its architect,” he continued. “And now,” Putin said, “grateful descendants have torn down Lenin’s monuments in Ukraine.”

Kremlin favors Stalin

Of all the Soviet leaders, it is Stalin that the Kremlin chief refers to most often — not to denounce his appalling record of repression, but to praise the statesman and wartime leader who defeated Adolf Hitler’s Germany.

Putin has always sought to frame his military campaign against Ukraine through the lens of World War II, comparing Ukrainian authorities to the Nazis and presenting the conflict as an existential struggle for Russia’s survival. For the Kremlin, Stalin remains a model of victory and power, while Lenin is a loser.

“The current leadership needs Stalin because he is both a villain and a hero,” Alexei Levinson, a sociologist at the independent Levada institute, said, according to AFP. “He won the war, so all his atrocities are erased,” he said. In contrast, Lenin’s achievements have been undone or never materialized, he explained.

“Lenin is the leader of the world revolution — it never happened. Lenin is the leader of the world proletariat — it doesn’t exist. Lenin is the creator of the socialist state — it is no more,” he said. “And no-one wants to build it anymore either.”



Kurdish-Turkish Settlement: Shaping a New Middle East

Tulay Hatimogulları speaks at a press conference. Asharq Al-Awsat file photo
Tulay Hatimogulları speaks at a press conference. Asharq Al-Awsat file photo
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Kurdish-Turkish Settlement: Shaping a New Middle East

Tulay Hatimogulları speaks at a press conference. Asharq Al-Awsat file photo
Tulay Hatimogulları speaks at a press conference. Asharq Al-Awsat file photo

A string of pivotal developments in recent months has forged new and unprecedented dynamics - mainly related to the Kurdish cause - across the region.

The collapse of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s regime on December 8 shifted the calculations of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), pushing them to break their isolation from Iraqi Kurdish factions.

Simultaneously, an overture by Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan, who called for the disarmament of his group, opened communication channels between Türkiye’s Kurds and their counterparts in Iraq and Syria.

At the heart of this political transformation is Tulay Hatimogulları, co-chair of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM). A leftist Turkish politician of Arab Alawite origin, she embodies the complex identities of the Levant and its interconnected communities.

With her modest charisma and approachable style, Hatimogulları rarely turns down a request for a photo or a chat from her Kurdish supporters. An Asharq Al-Awsat correspondent met her in Diyarbakir—known to Kurds as Amed—shortly after her arrival from Ankara.

She was quick to tell them, in fluent Arabic, that she hails from Iskenderun, a region that was part of the autonomous Syrian district of Alexandretta under French control from 1921 until its controversial annexation by Türkiye in 1939, following a disputed referendum and the displacement of many of its original inhabitants.

Hatimogulları comes from a family of Arab Alawites who remained in the area. Today, she stands out as one of the few Turkish politicians capable of mediating between Ankara and the PKK at what many view as a potentially historic moment.

On February 27, Ocalan, who is serving a life sentence in the island prison of İmralı in the Sea of Marmara, issued a call for the PKK to lay down its arms and disband. His message was relayed by DEM party representatives who met him in prison. Ocalan was captured by Turkish special forces in Kenya in February 1999, and since then, most PKK fighters have been based in the mountainous regions of northern Iraq.

Ocalan’s call came after a statement last October by Devlet Bahçeli, leader of the far-right Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and a key ally of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Türkiye’s parliament. Bahçeli proposed a deal to free Ocalan in exchange for the PKK’s cessation of its insurgency.

Hatimogulları, speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, explained that “with the PKK’s announcement of plans to hold a disarmament conference, it is essential that military operations and airstrikes cease. Additionally, the necessary technical and logistical infrastructure must be established to enable direct communication between Ocalan and the PKK.”

The potential developments between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Ocalan could have significant repercussions across the Middle East, with signs of these effects already beginning to emerge.

Both Masoud Barzani, leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), and Nechirvan Barzani, President of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, sent representatives to attend Nowruz celebrations in Amed (Diyarbakir).

During their visit, they met with officials from the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (HDP). In turn, the HDP sent representatives to the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in February to discuss the peace initiative. There, they held talks with officials from the Barzani-led KDP and the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), BafelTalabani.