A Year After Syria’s Deadly Earthquake, Orphaned Children Adjust to the Loss Bit by Bit 

A child peeks out of a tent at a camp for quake-displaced Syrians in Jinderis town in the northwest of Aleppo province on February 2, 2024. (AFP)
A child peeks out of a tent at a camp for quake-displaced Syrians in Jinderis town in the northwest of Aleppo province on February 2, 2024. (AFP)
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A Year After Syria’s Deadly Earthquake, Orphaned Children Adjust to the Loss Bit by Bit 

A child peeks out of a tent at a camp for quake-displaced Syrians in Jinderis town in the northwest of Aleppo province on February 2, 2024. (AFP)
A child peeks out of a tent at a camp for quake-displaced Syrians in Jinderis town in the northwest of Aleppo province on February 2, 2024. (AFP)

Aya al-Sudani, a bubbly toddler with a toothy smile, will mark her first birthday on Tuesday, but there will be no celebration with cake and presents. The day also marks a dark memory.

On Feb. 6, 2023, a massive earthquake hit Syria and Türkiye and the baby girl was pulled alive from the rubble of her family’s house in the town of Jinderis in northern Syria. She was still attached by an umbilical cord to her dead mother.

The girl was named "Baby Aya" — Aya is Arabic for "a sign from God" — by hospital workers but nicknamed Afraa in memory of her mother by the relatives who are now her guardians. The newborn was the only surviving member of her immediate family after the devastating quake that killed more than 59,000 people.

She was one of hundreds of children orphaned or separated from their families by the disaster, on top of many more who have lost their parents in the country's nearly 13-year civil war.

Some 542 children were found "unaccompanied and separated" after the earthquake throughout Syria, said Eva Hinds, a spokesperson for the United Nations children’s agency or UNICEF. Some were eventually reunited with their parents, others placed with "close relatives or extended family, and some have been supported with alternative care," she said.

Local authorities in northwest Syria say at least 537 children lost a parent to the quake, although of those only 61 were recorded as having lost both their mother and father. The real number is likely higher.

A year later, those children have begun to adjust to their new reality, most of them living now with extended family while smaller numbers have ended up in foster homes or orphanages.

For many of them, losing their parents in the earthquake was only the latest in a string of tragedies.

"Almost everyone in Syria at this point has a personal connection to loss because of the conflict," said Kathryn Achilles, a spokesperson for Save the Children ’s Syria response office. "It’s not something that children should have to learn to live with ... having to deal with loss and deal with displacement and deal with losing family and community."

Yasmine Shahoud was 11 when the earthquake struck. Her family had been displaced from their hometown of Maarat al-Numan to the town of Armanaz in northwest Syria, about 70 kilometers (45 miles) away. Despite the war, she remembers many carefree hours playing and laughing with her siblings after school.

On Feb. 6, their house collapsed, and she was buried under the rubble for 20 hours before rescue workers pulled her out. Yasmine’s arm and leg were crushed, requiring a series of surgeries. For the first few weeks, no one had the heart to tell the badly injured girl that her family was dead.

"When I arrived at the hospital, the child Yasmine was in a state of shock and didn’t understand what had happened," said Ghaitha al-Ibrahim, a social worker with the Syrian American Medical Society who has followed her case.

The girl stayed for several months in an orphanage to be near the hospital and because she needed intensive physical therapy. Now she is living with her grandfather, aunt and uncle and cousins, with whose help, she said, "I made it through a lot of hard steps." Although she still walks with difficulty, she has gone back to school. She hopes eventually to become a pharmacist.

The first period was "very, very hard," Yasmine said, but "thank God, I’m getting better."

In the town of Harem in Idlib province, where 8-year-old Hanaa Shreif now lives with her grandfather and uncle's family, she likes to play with her baby cousin, born after the earthquake, who was named Mahmoud at Hanaa's request after her deceased father.

Hanaa's parents and sister died in the quake and Hanaa was trapped under the rubble for 33 hours. At first, doctors thought her hand would have to be amputated.

"She asked about her family, her mother and her father, and bit by bit we told her that they had gone to heaven," said her uncle, Ali Shreif.

After the earthquake, some children "were found in the streets, in garbage dumps, in front of mosques or among the fields who had been abandoned," said Alaeddin Janid, founder of Child Houses, a non-governmental organization that runs two shelters for orphaned or abandoned children. The organization works to reunite them with family members or place them in foster homes.

Their center was badly damaged in the earthquake — although staff and children managed to get out safely — and they had to quickly secure another location to be able to receive the flood of children orphaned or separated from their families by the quake. Some of the shelter staff buried their own loved ones and then came back to work.

They were soon caring for about 100 children in their shelters, which before would host no more than 35.

"About 70% of them, we were able to find their relatives and 30%, their family was all dead or the relatives had abandoned the child," Janid said.

In those cases, he said, the group worked to place the children with vetted foster families. "An orphanage is not a suitable place for any child to begin his life."

Despite the tragedy of her birth, Baby Aya — or Afraa — was one of the lucky ones. With no memory of the family she lost, the only parents she knows are her aunt and aunt’s husband who took her in. Their four daughters and two sons have become like her sisters and brothers.

The family has an apartment in Jinderis where they stay in the daytime, but at night they crowd into a tent in one of the area’s displacement camps, still afraid to sleep in a concrete building lest another earthquake should bring it down on their heads. Since the earthquake, the area lacks both work opportunities and schools.

The baby's uncle and guardian, Khalil al-Sawadi, said he hopes she will have the chance to study — possibly outside of Syria — and "take the highest degree, not like my children."

The family will not celebrate her first birthday because "this day is a painful memory." But he said, "I have hope at the same time because of the presence of Afraa, and we will tell her about this memory when she gets older."



10 Years after Europe's Migration Crisis, the Fallout Reverberates in Greece and Beyond

File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
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10 Years after Europe's Migration Crisis, the Fallout Reverberates in Greece and Beyond

File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)

Fleeing Iran with her husband and toddler, Amena Namjoyan reached a rocky beach of this eastern Greek island along with hundreds of thousands of others. For months, their arrival overwhelmed Lesbos. Boats fell apart, fishermen dove to save people from drowning, and local grandmothers bottle-fed newly arrived babies.

Namjoyan spent months in an overcrowded camp. She learned Greek. She struggled with illness and depression as her marriage collapsed. She tried to make a fresh start in Germany but eventually returned to Lesbos, the island that first embraced her. Today, she works at a restaurant, preparing Iranian dishes that locals devour, even if they struggle to pronounce the names. Her second child tells her, “‘I’m Greek.’”

“Greece is close to my culture, and I feel good here,” Namjoyan said. “I am proud of myself.”

In 2015, more than 1 million migrants and refugees arrived in Europe — the majority by sea, landing in Lesbos, where the north shore is just 10 kilometers (6 miles) from Türkiye. The influx of men, women and children fleeing war and poverty sparked a humanitarian crisis that shook the European Union to its core. A decade later, the fallout still reverberates on the island and beyond.

For many, Greece was a place of transit. They continued on to northern and western Europe. Many who applied for asylum were granted international protection; thousands became European citizens. Countless more were rejected, languishing for years in migrant camps or living in the streets. Some returned to their home countries. Others were kicked out of the European Union.

For Namjoyan, Lesbos is a welcoming place — many islanders share a refugee ancestry, and it helps that she speaks their language. But migration policy in Greece, like much of Europe, has shifted toward deterrence in the decade since the crisis. Far fewer people are arriving illegally. Officials and politicians have maintained that strong borders are needed. Critics say enforcement has gone too far and violates fundamental EU rights and values.

“Migration is now at the top of the political agenda, which it didn’t use to be before 2015,” said Camille Le Coz Director of the Migration Policy Institute Europe, noting changing EU alliances. “We are seeing a shift toward the right of the political spectrum.”

A humanitarian crisis turned into a political one

In 2015, boat after boat crowded with refugees crashed onto the doorstep of Elpiniki Laoumi, who runs a fish tavern across from a Lesbos beach. She fed them, gave them water, made meals for aid organizations.

“You would look at them and think of them as your own children," said Laoumi, whose tavern walls today are decorated with thank-you notes.

From 2015 to 2016, the peak of the migration crisis, more than 1 million people entered Europe through Greece alone. The immediate humanitarian crisis — to feed, shelter and care for so many people at once — grew into a long-term political one.

Greece was reeling from a crippling economic crisis. The influx added to anger against established political parties, fueling the rise of once-fringe populist forces.

EU nations fought over sharing responsibility for asylum seekers. The bloc’s unity cracked as some member states flatly refused to take migrants. Anti-migration voices calling for closed borders became louder.

Today, illegal migration is down across Europe While illegal migration to Greece has fluctuated, numbers are nowhere near 2015-16 figures, according to the International Organization for Migration. Smugglers adapted to heightened surveillance, shifting to more dangerous routes.

Overall, irregular EU border crossings decreased by nearly 40% last year and continue to fall, according to EU border and coast guard agency Frontex.

That hasn’t stopped politicians from focusing on — and sometimes fearmongering over — migration. This month, the Dutch government collapsed after a populist far-right lawmaker withdrew his party’s ministers over migration policy.

In Greece, the new far-right migration minister has threatened rejected asylum seekers with jail time.

A few miles from where Namjoyan now lives, in a forest of pine and olive trees, is a new EU-funded migrant center. It's one of the largest in Greece and can house up to 5,000 people.

Greek officials denied an Associated Press request to visit. Its opening is blocked, for now, by court challenges.

Some locals say the remote location seems deliberate — to keep migrants out of sight and out of mind.

“We don’t believe such massive facilities are needed here. And the location is the worst possible – deep inside a forest,” said Panagiotis Christofas, mayor of Lesbos’ capital, Mytilene. “We’re against it, and I believe that’s the prevailing sentiment in our community.”

A focus on border security

For most of Europe, migration efforts focus on border security and surveillance.

The European Commission this year greenlighted the creation of “return” hubs — a euphemism for deportation centers — for rejected asylum seekers. Italy has sent unwanted migrants to its centers in Albania, even as that faces legal challenges.

Governments have resumed building walls and boosting surveillance in ways unseen since the Cold War.

In 2015, Frontex was a small administrative office in Warsaw. Now, it's the EU's biggest agency, with 10,000 armed border guards, helicopters, drones and an annual budget of over 1 billion euros.

On other issues of migration — reception, asylum and integration, for example — EU nations are largely divided.

The legacy of Lesbos

Last year, EU nations approved a migration and asylum pact laying out common rules for the bloc's 27 countries on screening, asylum, detention and deportation of people trying to enter without authorization, among other things.

“The Lesbos crisis of 2015 was, in a way, the birth certificate of the European migration and asylum policy,” Margaritis Schinas, a former European Commission vice president and a chief pact architect, told AP.

He said that after years of fruitless negotiations, he's proud of the landmark compromise.

“We didn’t have a system,” Schinas said. “Europe’s gates had been crashed."

The deal, endorsed by the United Nations refugee agency, takes effect next year. Critics say it made concessions to hardliners. Human rights organizations say it will increase detention and erode the right to seek asylum.

Some organizations also criticize the “externalization” of EU border management — agreements with countries across the Mediterranean to aggressively patrol their coasts and hold migrants back in exchange for financial assistance.

The deals have expanded, from Türkiye to the Middle East and across Africa. Human rights groups say autocratic governments are pocketing billions and often subject the displaced to appalling conditions.

Lesbos still sees some migrants arrive Lesbos' 80,000 residents look back at the 2015 crisis with mixed feelings.

Fisherman Stratos Valamios saved some children. Others drowned just beyond his reach, their bodies still warm as he carried them to shore.

“What’s changed from back then to now, 10 years on? Nothing,” he said. “What I feel is anger — that such things can happen, that babies can drown.”

Those who died crossing to Lesbos are buried in two cemeteries, their graves marked as “unknown.”

Tiny shoes and empty juice boxes with faded Turkish labels can still be found on the northern coast. So can black doughnut-shaped inner tubes, given by smugglers as crude life preservers for children. At Moria, a refugee camp destroyed by fire in 2020, children’s drawings remain on gutted building walls.

Migrants still arrive, and sometimes die, on these shores. Lesbos began to adapt to a quieter, more measured flow of newcomers.

Efi Latsoudi, who runs a network helping migrants learn Greek and find jobs, hopes Lesbos’ tradition of helping outsiders in need will outlast national policies.

“The way things are developing, it’s not friendly for newcomers to integrate into Greek society,” Latsoudi said. "We need to do something. ... I believe there is hope.”