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How Does Erdogan’s Visit to Cairo Contribute to Developing Relations with Egypt?

Sisi and Erdogan meet on the sidelines of the G20 Summit. (dpa)
Sisi and Erdogan meet on the sidelines of the G20 Summit. (dpa)
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How Does Erdogan’s Visit to Cairo Contribute to Developing Relations with Egypt?

Sisi and Erdogan meet on the sidelines of the G20 Summit. (dpa)
Sisi and Erdogan meet on the sidelines of the G20 Summit. (dpa)

- Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is expected to arrive in Cairo on Wednesday to meet with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi.

The one-day visit is the first of its kind in more than 11 years and is seen as the beginning of a new page in relations between the two countries following a period of tensions.

The Cairo talks, according to a statement by the Turkish presidency, focus on “possible steps to be taken within the framework of developing relations between Turkiye and Egypt and activating high-level bilateral cooperation mechanisms.”

The two leaders will also exchange views “on current global and regional issues, especially the Israeli attacks on Gaza and the occupied Palestinian territories,” the statement added.

The two countries have appointed ambassadors in July to restore their relations, after a diplomatic rupture that lasted for years against the backdrop of Ankara’s support for the Brotherhood organization, which is banned in Egypt, following the revolt of June 30, 2013.

Sisi and Erdogan shook hands during the opening of the World Cup in Qatar at the end of 2022. They later held a bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in September.

The visit comes at a crucial stage in the region, according to the head of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs, Mohamed Al-Arabi, who told Asharq Al-Awsat that it is an important turn in the course of relations between the two countries after the long hiatus.

Turkish political analyst Jawad Gok noted that the visit is consistent with the radical changes in Ankara’s policy in recent years, which strengthens the Turkish-Arab partnership while adhering to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of Arab countries.

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In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, Gok said that Erdogan’s trip to Cairo enjoys support from various political movements and media outlets, even those opposed to the president’s policies.

Karam Saeed, expert on Turkish affairs at the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, said the visit is part of the approach of circumventing controversial issues and taking relations to a “strategic level.”

He added that Cairo will support the strengthening of Turkish investments in the country, while Ankara has an opportunity to benefit from the Egyptian role in gas projects in the Eastern Mediterranean, or to expand its presence in Africa, in addition to cooperation in the field of defense and military industries in a way that serves the interests of the two countries.

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Sudan's Relentless War: A 70-Year Cycle of Conflict

Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
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Sudan's Relentless War: A 70-Year Cycle of Conflict

Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)

While world conflicts dominate headlines, Sudan’s deepening catastrophe is unfolding largely out of sight; a brutal war that has killed tens of thousands, displaced millions, and flattened entire cities and regions.

More than a year into the conflict, some observers question whether the international community has grown weary of Sudan’s seemingly endless cycles of violence. The country has endured nearly seven decades of civil war, and what is happening now is not an exception, but the latest chapter in a bloody history of rebellion and collapse.

The first of Sudan’s modern wars began even before the country gained independence from Britain. In 1955, army officer Joseph Lagu led the southern “Anyanya” rebellion, named after a venomous snake, launching a guerrilla war that would last until 1972.

A peace agreement brokered by the World Council of Churches and Ethiopia’s late Emperor Haile Selassie ended that conflict with the signing of the Addis Ababa Accord.

But peace proved short-lived. In 1983, then-president Jaafar Nimeiry reignited tensions by announcing the imposition of Islamic Sharia law, known as the “September Laws.” The move prompted the rise of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), led by John Garang, and a renewed southern insurgency that raged for more than two decades, outliving Nimeiry’s regime.

Under Omar al-Bashir, who seized power in a 1989 military coup, the war took on an Islamist tone. His government declared “jihad” and mobilized civilians in support of the fight, but failed to secure a decisive victory.

The conflict eventually gave way to the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, better known as the Naivasha Agreement, which was brokered in Kenya and granted South Sudan the right to self-determination.

In 2011, more than 95% of South Sudanese voted to break away from Sudan, giving birth to the world’s newest country, the Republic of South Sudan. The secession marked the culmination of decades of war, which began with demands for a federal system and ended in full-scale conflict. The cost: over 2 million lives lost, and a once-unified nation split in two.

But even before South Sudan’s independence became reality, another brutal conflict had erupted in Sudan’s western Darfur region in 2003. Armed rebel groups from the region took up arms against the central government, accusing it of marginalization and neglect. What followed was a ferocious counterinsurgency campaign that drew global condemnation and triggered a major humanitarian crisis.

As violence escalated, the United Nations deployed one of its largest-ever peacekeeping missions, the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), in a bid to stem the bloodshed.

Despite multiple peace deals, including the Juba Agreement signed in October 2020 following the ousting of long-time Islamist ruler, Bashir, fighting never truly ceased.

The Darfur war alone left more than 300,000 people dead and millions displaced. The International Criminal Court charged Bashir and several top officials, including Ahmed Haroun and Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein, with war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Alongside the southern conflict, yet another war erupted in 2011, this time in the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan and the Blue Nile region. The fighting was led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu, head of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement–North (SPLM–N), a group composed largely of northern fighters who had sided with the South during the earlier civil war under John Garang.

The conflict broke out following contested elections marred by allegations of fraud, and Khartoum’s refusal to implement key provisions of the 2005 Naivasha Agreement, particularly those related to “popular consultations” in the two regions. More than a decade later, war still grips both areas, with no lasting resolution in sight.

Then came April 15, 2023. A fresh war exploded, this time in the heart of the capital, Khartoum, pitting the Sudanese Armed Forces against the powerful paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Now entering its third year, the conflict shows no signs of abating.

According to international reports, the war has killed more than 150,000 people and displaced around 13 million, the largest internal displacement crisis on the planet. Over 3 million Sudanese have fled to neighboring countries.

Large swathes of the capital lie in ruins, and entire states have been devastated. With Khartoum no longer viable as a seat of power, the government and military leadership have relocated to the Red Sea city of Port Sudan.

Unlike previous wars, Sudan’s current conflict has no real audience. Global pressure on the warring factions has been minimal. Media coverage is sparse. And despite warnings from the United Nations describing the crisis as “the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophe,” Sudan's descent into chaos remains largely ignored by the international community.