Sweden Witnesses ‘Reverse Migration’ Phenomenon

Swedish Language Learning and Social Integration Training Center for New Immigrants and Refugees (Getty Images)
Swedish Language Learning and Social Integration Training Center for New Immigrants and Refugees (Getty Images)
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Sweden Witnesses ‘Reverse Migration’ Phenomenon

Swedish Language Learning and Social Integration Training Center for New Immigrants and Refugees (Getty Images)
Swedish Language Learning and Social Integration Training Center for New Immigrants and Refugees (Getty Images)

Azza, aged 35, arrived in Sweden 11 years ago to join her husband through family reunification programs. She dedicated much effort to learning Swedish, getting her university degree recognized, and taking extra courses to re-enter the nursing field.

She described her time in Sweden as “a dream come true, unlike anywhere else in the world.”

“The opportunities Sweden offers are unmatched for those who know how to make the most of them,” Azza told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“What the country provides here cannot be compared to any other place, which is why we chose Sweden,” she added.

Despite her success, Azza is now planning to move back to Saudi Arabia, where she was born and raised in a Syrian family.

Reflecting on her decision, she said: “Initially, we focused on starting anew, but we eventually missed social connections.”

“The relationship between locals and newcomers is challenging, especially for someone like me,” added Azza.

“Here, social life feels muted, lacking interaction and acceptance. Swedish society values individualism, while we as immigrants often prioritize community ties and socializing,” she explained.

Evolving the Concept of Integration

In the past, Sweden aimed to integrate waves of immigrants, encouraging them to adopt the host society's norms while setting aside their own cultural and community traits. This approach was particularly felt by Iraqis arriving after 2003.

Today, the focus has shifted to celebrating cultural diversity and promoting a multicultural society. The aim is for immigrants to maintain their identities while gaining equal economic, social, and political opportunities in Sweden.

However, this shift has drawbacks, potentially isolating immigrants within closed circles.

According to Azza, immigrants can feel “trapped” because Swedish citizens often rely on state programs for integration, which she finds disappointing in their outcomes.

Meanwhile, the issue of integration is a contentious topic in media and political circles, particularly as far-right parties gain influence across several European nations, not just in Sweden.

“We’re blamed for the isolation we face here, as well as unemployment, and a host of economic, social, psychological, cultural, and health issues resulting from integration failures,” noted Azza.

“We've become a political pawn for right-wing parties,” she added.

“We’re living in the moment, trying to combat isolation and depression through yoga, long forest walks, indoor running, or attending mostly lackluster music events, all documented on social media to convince ourselves we’re okay and to find a glimmer of hope,” complained Azza.

Azza is not alone in Sweden. “Reverse migration” has become a notable trend, especially among immigrants and refugees.

Swedish national statistics show that in 2022, 50,592 migrants left the country, including 37% of those born in Sweden to Swedish parents, for various reasons.

By the end of 2023, more than 66,000 people had emigrated from Sweden, a worrying trend alongside a sharp decline in birth rates that has led to the lowest population growth since 2001.

Engineer Amer Baroudi, who moved to a Gulf country two years ago after living in Sweden with his family for eight years, shared his experience of reverse migration.

He found the move more suitable for his family, especially in terms of social security and raising children according to Arab values.

Baroudi explains that one of the main reasons for leaving Sweden was the rise of the far-right and their influence on immigration policies, which increasingly hindered integration efforts.

He described escalating racist rhetoric in both official and social settings, affecting workplaces and indicating institutional racism.

“Immigrants are often treated as second-class citizens, facing accusations of disloyalty to Sweden and threats of citizenship revocation,” Baroudi told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“There’s talk of creating security zones where police can search immigrants and their children in public without cause,” he revealed.

Baroudi also highlighted the negative portrayal of social welfare services and the absence of official explanations for their role amidst growing anti-immigrant sentiment on social media.

Recent fears among immigrants, especially Muslims, of incidents labeled as “child kidnappings,” have led many to consider leaving Sweden or seeking other options.

A Swedish institution, established in the early 1990s, holds broad powers that sometimes override court decisions, allowing it to remove children from families if they face abuse or if their home environment is deemed unsafe due to issues like domestic violence, drug abuse, or other dangers.

In the past five years, there has been a peak in children being taken away, mostly from immigrant backgrounds, and placed in state care or with foster families.

The institution claims it does not target immigrants specifically but operates based on circumstances, leading to higher numbers from certain groups.

The handling of crises within social services has been notable for employee misconduct, secrecy, and delayed transparency from authorities, framing issues solely in terms of Sweden’s security concerns and deepening societal divides.

Media reports revealed that in 2022, 200 out of 240 removed children were involved in crime, including incidents within care homes, highlighting how marginalized children become vulnerable to exploitation by organized crime.

This trend is evident in rising gang activities, violent crimes, and shootings in immigrant areas, reinforcing stereotypes and fueling populist rhetoric against immigrants.

Due to mistrust and a divisive narrative, immigrant families often do not engage in state efforts to prevent child recruitment, perpetuating a cycle of marginalization and discrimination.

Ultimately, many like Baroudi choose to leave, feeling alienated and stressed, describing life as an escape from a large prison where they do not feel they belong.



Trust in Zelenskyy Is Diminished Even After Reversal of Law That Fueled Anti-Corruption Protests 

Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy attends a press conference during his visit to Vienna, Austria, June 16, 2025. (AP)
Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy attends a press conference during his visit to Vienna, Austria, June 16, 2025. (AP)
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Trust in Zelenskyy Is Diminished Even After Reversal of Law That Fueled Anti-Corruption Protests 

Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy attends a press conference during his visit to Vienna, Austria, June 16, 2025. (AP)
Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy attends a press conference during his visit to Vienna, Austria, June 16, 2025. (AP)

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy quickly reversed course last month on a law that would have curbed the independence of the country’s anti-corruption watchdogs after widespread protests that threatened the stability of his leadership for the first time since Russia’s invasion.

It's unlikely that the damage to the president’s image can be changed as easily.

Zelenskyy's reversal followed years of public discontent that simmered around his inner circle, some of whom have been accused of corruption. But Ukrainians have been largely deferential toward their president in wartime, trusting him to lead the fight against the Kremlin and even acquiescing in the suspension of some civil liberties.

The protests showed the limits of that goodwill after the public concluded that Zelenskyy’s fast-tracking of the law was a step too far.

"People will support Zelenskyy in whatever he does as it relates to the war. But the previous level of trust "that he will carry out everything correctly, without outside interests, has been damaged," said Tetiana Shevchuk, a board member of the Ukrainian nonprofit Anti-Corruption Action Center, which fights graft. Zelenskyy "will need to work hard to get it back."

A Gallup poll released Thursday found that about two-thirds of Ukrainians approve of the way Zelenskyy is handling his job as president, down from 84% in 2022. Another poll released Wednesday by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology found a similar pattern, with trust in Zelenskyy down from just before the war started and a sharp decrease since after the signing of the law.

Both polls were conducted in July and excluded adults living in regions of the country that were not controlled by Ukraine or were under entrenched Russian control.

The initial decision to sign the proposal hurt Zelenskyy's standing among Ukrainians, loyal lawmakers and Western allies, including one foreign minister who told The Associated Press that his willingness to backtrack on the law would help restore "lost trust."

Zelenskyy says bill was designed to root out Russian influence

Zelenskyy sparked the outcry when he signed measures to reduce the powers of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, or NABU, and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office, or SAPO.

Zelenskyy said the initial bill was meant to root out Russian influence in those agencies, but he did not provide evidence to support the claim. The bill became a law so quickly that lawmakers said they barely had time to read it. For the Ukrainian people, patience wore thin.

From the outset of Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, the public tolerated restrictions such as martial law and postponed elections. But critics also argued that the consolidation of the president’s authority undermined the country’s democratic institutions, along with the checks and balances necessary for transparency. Members of Zelenskyy’s inner circle and the corruption allegations fueled public resentment.

The resulting anti-corruption protests in July in Kyiv and other cities were among the largest in years, drawing thousands of demonstrators and reflecting widespread public demand for transparency and accountability even during wartime.

"It’s not one law that brought people to the streets, but a series of events and mostly an accumulation of feelings and wanting to show the government there are certain red lines," Shevchuk said.

Ukrainian leaders have been sensitive to public opinion ever since the Euromaidan protests of 2013 and 2014, which ignited extraordinary political changes, including the ousting of pro-Russia President Viktor Yanukovych. Those protests marked a decisive moment in Ukraine’s history and galvanized public intolerance toward corruption and abuse of power.

Until recently, Zelenskyy’s decisions and public statements aligned mostly with public opinion. He watches polls closely. For instance, he did not say that Ukraine would be unable to win back occupied territory militarily until polls showed that Ukrainians were willing to end the war for territorial concessions.

Many of the suspicions about Zelenskyy’s inner circle focused on the head of his presidential office, Andriy Yermak, who is seen as having too much power, according to activists and Ukrainian and Western officials. In recent weeks, two other individuals close to Zelenskyy sparked public ire ahead of the protests.

The first was former Ukrainian Deputy Prime Minister Oleksii Chernyshov, a close ally of Zelenskyy’s, who in June was formally named a suspect in a high-profile land-grab case. Later, the NABU announced that he was the sixth suspect in a large corruption scheme led by a Kyiv property developer.

The other individual is Tymur Mindich, a close friend of Zelenskyy’s. Ukrainian news outlet Ukrainska Pravda reported that the NABU and the SAPO were in the process of issuing a formal notice of suspicion against the businessman, who is involved in drone production.

"Ukrainians are united around the president in his war efforts, in his efforts to gain support from allies right now and the necessary military aid," Shevchuk said. "But at the same time, people know what is happening with the close allies of the president, the allegations of corruption, so this does not go unnoticed."

The protests "were a reminder to the president from the people basically saying, ‘We see everything, remember everything. And we don’t want the president to use his power to protect corruption,’" she added.

Lawmakers will no longer blindly accept laws backed by Zelenskyy

Lawmakers who speedily passed the first law limiting the NABU and the SAPO said the backlash undercut the blind trust in bills backed by Zelenskyy. Bills supported by him were once passed with little objection, with few exceptions.

"I voted not because I agreed with the law, but because it was the president’s decision," said lawmaker Oleksandr Merezhko, a member of Zelenskyy’s party. "I had no time to read it, but I understood what was at risk, and I voted like other people because we trusted the president. It was his decision, and we are team players."

Zelenskyy himself conceded that communication about the law had been lacking.

"Probably there should have been a dialogue. Communication is always necessary," he told reporters on July 24.

The firm faith in Zelenskyy led one lawmaker to joke that if the president nominated a spoon for prime minister, Parliament would likely vote in favor. But that sentiment has changed, Merezhko said, with parliament now becoming more independent.

"Now members of parliament will be more careful," he said. "If before we had a presumption of trust with respect to the president or cabinet of the bills, we now have a presumption of mistrust. If similar bills are introduced," members of parliament "will remember what happened. They don’t want to be framed or blamed for what happened."

But lawmakers commended Zelenskyy for acting swiftly to reverse his decision and quiet the anger on the street. Last week, parliament passed another bill restoring the independence of the NABU and the SAPO.

"People asked for changes. We responded," Zelenskyy told reporters.

Law also raised doubts in the West

The proposed law also drew concern among Ukraine’s European allies, who suggested it could imperil support for Kyiv and affect Ukraine's bid to join the EU. Ukraine's closest allies welcomed the swift turnaround.

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer raised the issue in a July 24 call with Zelenskyy. A readout of the call from Starmer’s office said the leaders "agreed on the importance of the role of independent anti-corruption institutions at the heart of Ukraine’s democracy."

In Germany, Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul expressed dismay when Zelenskyy approved the measures to reduce the powers of the NABU and the SAPO. When Zelenskyy reversed course, Wadephul wrote on X that the Ukrainian parliament’s vote "was a positive and necessary step toward regaining lost trust."

Meanwhile, US President Donald Trump, who often weighs in on matters in foreign countries, including their domestic affairs, has been silent about the Ukrainian corruption law.