Iran Election Hopefuls Struggle to Offer Fix for Economic Woes 

In this picture made available by Iranian state-run TV, IRIB, presidential candidates for June 28, election from left to right: Masoud Pezeshkian, Alireza Zakani, Mostafa Pourmohammadi, Amirhossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi, Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, and Saeed Jalili pose for a photo after the conclusion of their debate at the TV studio in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, June 25, 2024. (Morteza Fakhri Nezhad/IRIB via AP)
In this picture made available by Iranian state-run TV, IRIB, presidential candidates for June 28, election from left to right: Masoud Pezeshkian, Alireza Zakani, Mostafa Pourmohammadi, Amirhossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi, Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, and Saeed Jalili pose for a photo after the conclusion of their debate at the TV studio in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, June 25, 2024. (Morteza Fakhri Nezhad/IRIB via AP)
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Iran Election Hopefuls Struggle to Offer Fix for Economic Woes 

In this picture made available by Iranian state-run TV, IRIB, presidential candidates for June 28, election from left to right: Masoud Pezeshkian, Alireza Zakani, Mostafa Pourmohammadi, Amirhossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi, Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, and Saeed Jalili pose for a photo after the conclusion of their debate at the TV studio in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, June 25, 2024. (Morteza Fakhri Nezhad/IRIB via AP)
In this picture made available by Iranian state-run TV, IRIB, presidential candidates for June 28, election from left to right: Masoud Pezeshkian, Alireza Zakani, Mostafa Pourmohammadi, Amirhossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi, Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, and Saeed Jalili pose for a photo after the conclusion of their debate at the TV studio in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, June 25, 2024. (Morteza Fakhri Nezhad/IRIB via AP)

Candidates in Friday's Iranian presidential election have vowed to revive the flagging economy, but voters see little prospect of relief from a cost of living squeeze without an end to sanctions and an easing of Iran's international isolation.

The daily struggle of ordinary Iranians to make ends meet is a persistent challenge for Iran's ruling clerics, who fear a revival of protests that have erupted periodically by lower and middle-income communities angry at enduring hardship. The reinstatement of US sanctions in 2018 hit Iran's oil exports, slashing government revenues and forcing it to take unpopular steps such as increasing taxes and running big budget deficits, policies that have kept annual inflation close to 40%.

Although the country has avoided total economic meltdown, thanks mainly to oil exports to China and higher crude prices, petroleum exports are still below their pre-2018 levels. Most candidates seeking to replace Ebrahim Raisi following his death in a helicopter crash last month say they plan to emulate his policy of economic self-reliance and more business ties to Asia. Others have defended broader relations with the world without offering practical steps to address sanctions.

During Raisi's three years in power, Iran’s economy re-emerged from a 2018-19 slump caused by the 2018 reimposition of sanctions, and growth peaked at 5.7% for the year ending in March, according to Iran’s Statistical Center.

Yet most of this expansion was driven by the energy sector, as the country experienced a 70% rise in oil output, now running at about 3.5 million barrels per day, with oil exports exceeding 1.4 million barrels per day, and mainly going to China. Without hydrocarbons, Iran’s growth last year would have been just 3.4% and its trade balance would have hit a deficit of $16.8 billion, according to Mohammad Rezvanifar, the head of the Iranian customs service. Foreign direct investment has also stalled at $1.5 billion in 2022, according to UNCTAD.

People watch the debate of presidential candidates at a campaign center in Tehran, Iran June 25, 2024. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters

FALLING PURCHASING POWER

Unemployment is running at about 7.6%, according to the World Bank, compared to 9.6% when Raisi was elected. Yet many formal jobs pay a pittance, meaning the true figure of people without adequate work to live on is probably far higher.

“It is not difficult to understand why most Iranians are angry,” said Djavad Salehi-Isfahani, Professor of Economics at Virginia Tech.

“Living standards and poverty may have improved in the last two years, but this is not true going back a decade or two. The new president can inject hope and stop the conditions from getting worse, but not get Iran back to the 2000s,” Salehi-Isfahani added, referring to a more prosperous period.

Iranians’ purchasing power continued to shrink during Raisi’s presidency as the Iranian rial's free market rate more than halved, according to Iranian currency tracking website Bonbast, now reaching a value of 600,000 to the US dollar.

Prices for basic goods like dairy, rice and meat have skyrocketed in recent months. The subsidized price of Lavash bread, the most popular for Iranian households, shot up by at least 230% in the last three years, while red meat has become too expensive for many, its price rising by 440% to $10 per kg.

A teacher’s monthly salary is about $180 and many construction workers earn little more than $10 a day.

Candidates have promised to implement the country’s seventh development plan approved last year by parliament. It aims to curb inflation and develop exports and sets out ambitious targets of achieving 8% annual growth under sanctions.

But World Bank forecasts for the next three years see annual growth rates below 3.2% for Iran, as a result of subdued global demand, sanctions and domestic energy shortages.

Voters interviewed by Reuters said the state of the economy was tied to the country's diplomatic posture, which is strongly anti-Western and is determined by Supreme Leader Ali Khameni, the country's ultimate decision maker.

In his three years in office, Raisi, a Khamenei loyalist, vowed not to link the economy to nuclear negotiations with world powers, even though the talks could have lifted most US curbs by reviving a 2015 pact limiting Tehran's atomic program.

People walk past a replica of a ballot box installed on a street in Tehran on June 24, 2024, ahead of the June 28 election to replace President Ebrahim Raisi, who died in a helicopter crash. (AFP)

CONTINUITY IN POLICY

"The economy has been greatly affected by foreign policy, as no successful strategy is in place to reduce sanctions’ destructive impacts," said Mohammad, an administrator at Rudehen University in Tehran province. Like other voters interviewed he did not want his full name used due to the election's sensitivity.

The snap ballot has given candidates little time to develop detailed economic plans. Most said the economy should become more self-reliant before Iran tries to end sanctions, imposed over Tehran's disputed nuclear program, while low-key moderate Masoud Pezeshkian and hardline cleric Mostafa Pourmohammadi were more vocal on the need to open up relations to help the economy.

Election debates have mainly focused on fiscal imbalances, mismanagement of resources and graft, domestic issues which many Iranians believe are deep-rooted and resistant to reform.

"As long as government policies do not efficiently back competition, transparency and investment security, things will just get worse," said Peyman, a municipal engineer from Tehran.

Mehdi Ghazanfari, chairman of Iran’s sovereign wealth fund, told state media a lack of developed political parties meant election candidates did not identify future ministers or policies in advance, and the winner usually rushed to appoint a cabinet "that ends up being inconsistent".

Iran's economic outlook looks ever more uncertain, analysts say, with the possible return of Donald Trump as US president likely leading to tougher enforcement of oil sanctions, former foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif has said in defense of Pezeshkian’s campaign.



Iran Faces Tough Choices in Deciding How to Respond to Israeli Strikes

This satellite photo from Planet Labs PBC shows damaged buildings at Iran's Khojir military base outside of Tehran, Iran, Oct. 8, 2024. (Planet Labs PBC via AP)
This satellite photo from Planet Labs PBC shows damaged buildings at Iran's Khojir military base outside of Tehran, Iran, Oct. 8, 2024. (Planet Labs PBC via AP)
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Iran Faces Tough Choices in Deciding How to Respond to Israeli Strikes

This satellite photo from Planet Labs PBC shows damaged buildings at Iran's Khojir military base outside of Tehran, Iran, Oct. 8, 2024. (Planet Labs PBC via AP)
This satellite photo from Planet Labs PBC shows damaged buildings at Iran's Khojir military base outside of Tehran, Iran, Oct. 8, 2024. (Planet Labs PBC via AP)

It's Iran's move now.
How Iran chooses to respond to the unusually public Israeli aerial assault on its homeland could determine whether the region spirals further toward all-out war or holds steady at an already devastating and destabilizing level of violence.
In the coldly calculating realm of Middle East geopolitics, a strike of the magnitude that Israel delivered Saturday would typically be met with a forceful response. A likely option would be another round of the ballistic missile barrages that Iran has already launched twice this year, The Associated Press said.
Retaliating militarily would allow Iran's clerical leadership to show strength not only to its own citizens but also to Hamas in Gaza and Lebanon's Hezbollah, the militant groups battling Israel that are the vanguard of Tehran's so-called Axis of Resistance.
It is too soon to say whether Iran's leadership will follow that path.
Tehran may decide against forcefully retaliating directly for now, not least because doing so might reveal its weaknesses and invite a more potent Israeli response, analysts say.
“Iran will play down the impact of the strikes, which are in fact quite serious,” said Sanam Vakil, the director of the Middle East and North Africa program at the London-based think tank Chatham House.
She said Iran is “boxed in" by military and economic constraints, and the uncertainty caused by the US election and its impact on American policy in the region.
Even while the Mideast wars rage, Iran's reformist President Masoud Pezeshkian has been signaling his nation wants a new nuclear deal with the US to ease crushing international sanctions.
A carefully worded statement from Iran’s military Saturday night appeared to offer some wiggle room for Iran to back away from further escalation. It suggested that a cease-fire in the Gaza Strip and Lebanon was more important than any retaliation against Israel.
Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, Iran's ultimate decision-maker, was also measured in his first comments on the strike Sunday. He said the attack “should not be exaggerated nor downplayed,” and he stopped short of calling for an immediate military response.
Saturday's strikes targeted Iranian air defense missile batteries and missile production facilities, according to the Israeli military.
With that, Israel has exposed vulnerabilities in Iran’s air defenses and can now more easily step up its attacks, analysts say.
Satellite photos analyzed by The Associated Press indicate Israel's raid damaged facilities at the Parchin military base southeast of Tehran that experts previously linked to Iran's onetime nuclear weapons program and another base tied to its ballistic missile program.
Current nuclear sites were not struck, however. Rafael Mariano Grossi, the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, confirmed that on X, saying “Iran’s nuclear facilities have not been impacted.”
Israel has been aggressively bringing the fight to the Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah, killing its leader and targeting operatives in an audacious exploding pager attack.
“Any Iranian attempt to retaliate will have to contend with the fact that Hezbollah, its most important ally against Israel, has been significantly degraded and its conventional weapons systems have twice been largely repelled,” said Ali Vaez, the Iran project director at the International Crisis Group, who expects Iran to hold its fire for now.
That's true even if Israel held back, as appears to be the case. Some prominent figures in Israel, such as opposition leader Yair Lapid, are already saying the attacks didn't go far enough.
Regional experts suggested that Israel's relatively limited target list was intentionally calibrated to make it easier for Iran to back away from escalation.
As Yoel Guzansky, who formerly worked for Israel’s National Security Council and is now a researcher at the Tel Aviv-based Institute for National Security Studies, put it: Israel's decision to focus on purely military targets allows Iran "to save face.”
Israel's target choices may also be a reflection at least in part of its capabilities. It is unlikely to be able to destroy Iran's nuclear facilities on its own and would require help from the United States, Guzansky said.
Besides, Israel still has leverage to go after higher-value targets should Iran retaliate — particularly now that nodes in its air defenses have been destroyed.
“You preserve for yourself all kinds of contingency plans,” Guzansky said.
Thomas Juneau, a University of Ottawa professor focused on Iran and the wider Middle East, wrote on X that the fact Iranian media initially downplayed the strikes suggests Tehran may want to avoid further escalation. Yet it's caught in a tough spot.
“If it retaliates, it risks an escalation in which its weakness means it loses more,” he wrote. “If it does not retaliate, it projects a signal of weakness.”
Vakil agreed that Iran's response was likely to be muted and that the strikes were designed to minimize the potential for escalation.
“Israel has yet again shown its military precision and capabilities are far superior to that of Iran,” she said.
One thing is certain: The Mideast is in uncharted territory.
For decades, leaders and strategists in the region have speculated about whether and how Israel might one day openly strike Iran, just as they wondered what direct attacks by Iran, rather than by its proxy militant groups, would look like.
Today, it's a reality. Yet the playbook on either side isn't clear, and may still be being written.
“There appears to be a major mismatch both in terms of the sword each side wields and the shield it can deploy,” Vaez said.
“While both sides have calibrated and calculated how quickly they climb the escalation ladder, they are in an entirely new territory now, where the new red lines are nebulous and the old ones have turned pink,” he said.