RSF Fighters Sow Chaos in Sudan's Farming Heartland

Families displaced by RSF advances in Sudan's El Gezira and Sennar states shelter at the Omar ibn al-Khattab displacement site, Kassala state, Sudan, July 10, 2024. REUTERS/ Faiz Abubakr
Families displaced by RSF advances in Sudan's El Gezira and Sennar states shelter at the Omar ibn al-Khattab displacement site, Kassala state, Sudan, July 10, 2024. REUTERS/ Faiz Abubakr
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RSF Fighters Sow Chaos in Sudan's Farming Heartland

Families displaced by RSF advances in Sudan's El Gezira and Sennar states shelter at the Omar ibn al-Khattab displacement site, Kassala state, Sudan, July 10, 2024. REUTERS/ Faiz Abubakr
Families displaced by RSF advances in Sudan's El Gezira and Sennar states shelter at the Omar ibn al-Khattab displacement site, Kassala state, Sudan, July 10, 2024. REUTERS/ Faiz Abubakr

When fighters from Sudan's Rapid Support Forces began seizing vehicles from people in Sharafat Alhalaween village, local elders complained to the group’s commanders.

They assured the village during a March visit that the RSF would protect civilians, according to four residents. Soon afterward, the RSF posted a video on social media - reviewed by Reuters - claiming to have dealt with unspecified "rogue actors" in the area.

But the next morning, the residents told Reuters, dozens of fighters stormed in on motorcycles and pickup trucks, firing guns in the air. The fighters, some in uniforms, went door to door grabbing money and valuables, prompting an exodus of thousands of people, they said.

The residents' accounts echo ones from across Sudan's central El Gezira state, a key farming region and strategic crossroads just south of the capital, Khartoum. Reuters interviewed 43 people from 20 communities - including residents, activists and RSF recruits - who described a spiral of looting, kidnapping and killing after the group seized most of the state in December.

The RSF has sought to convey in videos like the one posted in March that it is protecting civilians and providing food and services. But residents said the paramilitary group relies on a mix of irregular fighters, many motivated by bounty, and it often struggles to control them.

The Sudanese Armed Forces, which shared power with the RSF in a military-led government until fighting erupted between them in April 2023, has carried out airstrikes in El Gezira but has few ground forces there, according to residents and local activists. The military mobilized civilians to defend their communities, triggering deadly retribution, they said.

The violence has driven over 850,000 people from their homes, the United Nations says, disrupted farming critical to Sudan's food production and raised questions about the RSF's ability to enforce any truce after nearly 16 months of war.

"Some RSF officials admit that the group will face huge internal challenges should the war ever stop," said Alan Boswell of the International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based think tank. "It is bound together by conquest and the spoils of war."

The RSF denied targeting civilians or lacking command and control of its forces.

"The army, Islamist militias and criminals looted the state systematically in order to scapegoat our forces," it said in a statement to Reuters. "Our forces clashed with these rogue actors, and our commanders and soldiers died in that effort."

A military spokesman, Brigadier General Nabil Abdullah, dismissed the RSF's allegations as lies, saying the group and its mercenaries "committed every conceivable violation" against El Gezira's citizens.
Across Sudan, the RSF has repeatedly overwhelmed the military thanks in part to alliances forged with tribal militias and other armed groups. In July, it used El Gezira as a springboard to push into Sennar, White Nile and Gedaref states, triggering new waves of displacement and expanding the conflict through Sudan's agricultural heartland.

A fifth of the country's 50 million inhabitants have fled their homes, and around half are facing food insecurity, mainly in areas under RSF control, according to UN officials who describe the humanitarian crisis as the world's worst.

International efforts to mediate between the sides have made little headway, though the United States is leading efforts to convene talks in Geneva.

The RSF says it is open to negotiating a ceasefire and humanitarian access. The military says it cannot negotiate until the RSF exits civilian areas and stops abuses.

EYEING LOOT

The RSF has roots in so-called Janjaweed militias, which helped the military crush a rebellion in Sudan's western Darfur region two decades ago, gaining recognition as a state-sanctioned security force in 2017.
It allied with the military to oust president Omar al-Bashir in 2019, but the sides fell out over an internationally backed plan to move toward civilian rule.

When the power struggle turned violent, the RSF, led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, quickly took over greater Khartoum. The military, headed by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, responded with airstrikes and heavy artillery, to little effect.

The RSF then consolidated its grip across Darfur before surging into El Gezira, a refuge for half a million people displaced from Khartoum, and capturing the state capital, Wad Madani.

In Darfur, the RSF and allied militiamen engaged in ethnically targeted violence, but in El Gezira, residents said the fighters seemed convinced they were Bashir loyalists.
Some are seeking to settle grievances against a political elite that has long controlled Sudan from its center - a problem for any future truce, said Suliman Baldo of the Sudan Transparency and Policy Tracker, a US-based watchdog.

Most are eyeing loot, he and residents said.

Three sources with direct knowledge of RSF recruitment said fighters are often drawn by the promise of a share of the spoils. The RSF denies this and says its fighters are paid monthly salaries.

The force includes units from rival tribes and militias, which sometimes clash among themselves, residents said.

Fighters based in Hasaheisa, the district that includes Sharafat Alhalaween, are under the command of Ahmed Adam Gouja, who was part of a militia active in Darfur before joining the RSF at the start of the war.

This area has seen some of the harshest attacks in El Gezira, especially after salaries dried up, residents and two local RSF recruits told Reuters.

"When you ask the soldiers about Hemedti, they say, 'He gave me this gun, but we don't trust him; we don't trust his soldiers; we only trust our brothers,'" said one young man reached by phone, who like many locals asked for anonymity for fear of retribution.

He described seeing fighters cock their weapons at superiors when ordered to shut down a satellite terminal they were using to sell internet access. Asked about the incident, the RSF said it did not control the terminal or prevent people from using it.

Across the Nile River in East Gezira district, residents have been spared the worst of the violence as the RSF's top commander in the state, Abuagla Keikal, is from the area. He charges a protection tax, according to locals and activists who said fighters based in the district have clashed with Gouja's forces when they strayed over the river.

Reuters could not reach the two commanders, and the RSF did not answer questions about them.
FARMERS THREATENED

Civilians described fleeing from village to village on foot and in cars, boats, buses and donkey carts to escape RSF fighters.

First they steal cars, gold and money, more than two dozen witnesses said, returning later for items such as clothes, electronics and food, which are sold in so-called "Dagalo markets" - a reference to Hemedti.

When they find nothing, they start kidnapping people for ransom, threatening to kill them if families don't pay, according to a group of activists, the Wad Madani Resistance Committee, who document RSF raids across the state.

A committee representative, who requested anonymity for safety, said hundreds of villages have been targeted and at least 800 people killed as of April, though a telecommunications blackout makes it impossible to confirm exact numbers.

The Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa, a rights group, has documented 75 cases of sexual assault by RSF fighters in the state, said its regional director, Hala al-Karib.

At least 17 people interviewed by Reuters said they had seen beatings, often with whips, and killings during the raids.

A mother of five who sought refuge in El Gezira after fleeing Khartoum said a nephew was killed in front of her.

"They said, 'Don't lift him, or we'll shoot you too.' We had to bury him where he was," said the woman, reached by phone in Port Sudan. She gave only one name, Hanan.

RSF fighters have cleaned out stocks of wheat, sorghum and other crops and blocked farmers from their fields, according to residents and agricultural officials.

"My fields are being eaten by cows because the farmers are scared to go out," said Mohamed Balla, a farming cooperative leader from Hasaheisa.
Diesel prices have soared; fertilizer and seeds are scarce, and tractors have been stolen.

A UN-backed food security monitoring network warned in June that parts of the state were at risk of famine.

The RSF did not answer questions about the disruptions to food production but has previously blamed a military blockade imposed on the state. The military did not comment on that.

Early in the war, the RSF set up an internal police force to tackle "negative phenomena," its term for abuses. This force has arrested more than 1,000 men in El Gezira, mostly locals, the RSF told Reuters in July.

Residents said the effect was limited. In several instances, RSF police clashed with fighters, but raids did not stop, they said.

Low on ground troops, the military has tried to encourage a so-called popular resistance. Burhan said in December that 40,000 men had joined the effort in El Gezira - many of them incensed by RSF attacks on women, according to the resistance committee.

"The RSF uses this as an excuse to attack," said the committee's representative, adding that few weapons and little training have been provided to civilian recruits.

One of the worst such incidents occurred in June, near the military's last base in El Gezira.

After men in Wad al-Noura village took up arms against the RSF, its fighters killed more than 100 people there, the committee said.

The RSF described the incident as a clash with army recruits and special forces. The military did not comment, though it pledged at the time to deliver a "harsh response.”

"My husband was a teacher," a woman widowed in the incident told Reuters. "He didn't know anything about fighting, and we had nothing to fight for, no car or store. But as a man, he felt he had to fight."



Lebanese Face Grueling Journeys Home After War Leaves them Stranded Abroad

Travelers track flight changes during Iran-Israel war (Reuters)
Travelers track flight changes during Iran-Israel war (Reuters)
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Lebanese Face Grueling Journeys Home After War Leaves them Stranded Abroad

Travelers track flight changes during Iran-Israel war (Reuters)
Travelers track flight changes during Iran-Israel war (Reuters)

Hundreds of Lebanese citizens stranded abroad during the recent Iran-Israel war hope the declared ceasefire will soon allow them to return home, after spending days or even weeks trapped in airports or foreign cities where they had planned only brief stays.

Others managed to make arduous and costly journeys back to Lebanon, using complex combinations of land, air, and sea travel.

Since the outbreak of the conflict, many Lebanese, especially students and religious pilgrims on summer break, faced major obstacles returning home. International airlines repeatedly canceled or altered flights, and some airports closed, forcing stranded travelers to remain abroad, sometimes overnight in airport terminals.

Nisreen Fatouni, 28, one of those caught outside Lebanon, described her ordeal to Asharq Al-Awsat: “We were heading to Congo’s airport three hours before our Ethiopian Airlines flight to Lebanon on Saturday, June 14, only to be told the flight was canceled because the airline feared flying over Lebanese airspace.”

Fatouni said she then booked another uncertain flight for Sunday, June 16, but it was canceled three times in a row. “To this day, I don’t know if I will be able to return anytime soon. I hope the ceasefire announcement will ease air travel restrictions,” she said.

Currently staying at her sister-in-law’s home, Fatouni fled two months ago with her two young daughters to escape Israeli strikes targeting multiple areas in Lebanon. Fate intervened when war erupted just one day before her scheduled return flight to her hometown of Deir Qanoun Ras Al-Ain in southern Lebanon.

Fatouni expressed deep fears about Lebanon’s security situation. “I feel both helpless and scared. There is no sense of safety in Lebanon. But how long can I keep running?” she said. “I want to go back to my home where I left my husband and extended family... my daughters miss their father too.”

Fatouni, like many Lebanese stranded abroad during the Iran-Israel conflict, now faces a difficult decision: wait for Ethiopian Airlines to resume flights to Lebanon or travel at her own expense to Egypt or Türkiye and then make her way to Beirut.

“I don’t want to risk spending another night in an airport as a woman alone with two children,” she said.

“An emergency could still prevent flights from taking off from Egypt or Türkiye. I hope our return is not delayed further. I’ve booked a new flight, hoping nothing else will change.”

Fatouni is far from alone. Scores of Lebanese across African countries monitor developments anxiously, frustrated by continuous flight cancellations and delays, desperate not to abandon plans to spend the summer in Beirut despite the turmoil at home.

The ceasefire declared Tuesday morning has sparked cautious optimism among many hoping to return soon.

The situation is similar for Lebanese tourists stranded in Europe. Mohammad Dawood recounted his experience: “I flew from Germany, where I live, to Antalya in Türkiye
intending to return to Lebanon. But because of the war, I ended up spending three nights moving between the hotel and airport.”

“My booking was canceled multiple times, and travel dates changed repeatedly. On the fourth day, I decided to return to Germany. I didn’t want to keep trying; it felt hopeless. There just aren’t enough flights for all of us,” he said.

Dawood added that around 70 Lebanese in Antalya chose to return to Europe rather than risk staying amid uncertain conditions and rising costs. “We didn’t want to take chances, especially with things looking bleak.”

While Dawood had a home to return to in Germany, many others remained stuck abroad, lacking the financial means to extend their stays. Videos circulating on social media show travelers sleeping on airport floors, awaiting a chance to book flights.

A Grueling Journey via Iraq and Iran

Conditions are worse for Lebanese stranded in Iraq and Iran, where options dwindle by the day. Iran’s airspace closures have left Lebanese students, religious scholars, businesspeople, and pilgrims trapped in cities including Mashhad, Isfahan, and Qom.

Mustafa, a relative of three stranded students, told Asharq Al-Awsat the young men had to take a costly taxi ride from Mashhad to Qom, then cross into Iraq by land, before flying from Basra airport back to Beirut.

“They were exploited because of their age, paying nearly $800 for the taxi and a similar amount to cross into Iraq. They endured long and exhausting journeys,” Mustafa said.

“We urge authorities to organize evacuations, at least for students living in dire conditions. There are rumors of a black market selling tickets at exorbitant prices.”

Khodr, another Lebanese pilgrim stuck in Iraq, told Asharq Al-Awsat he spent five days in the country before managing to return to Lebanon last Tuesday.

“I was in Najaf on a religious visit and traveled to Basra by taxi, where I secured seats for students I know on the same flight,” he said. “I was lucky, but many others are in a terrible state.”

About 1,120 Lebanese have been repatriated from Iraq via Iraqi Airways, according to official figures.

Khodr described the flight back as unusually long - about four hours compared to the typical hour-and-a-half - due to the altered route.

In the worst-case scenario, Khodr had planned to travel overland from Iraq to Türkiye, then take a ferry from Mersin port to Tripoli, northern Lebanon.

Others have completed similar journeys, with one boat leaving last Wednesday and arriving in Tripoli the following day, the Lebanese Ministry of Public Works and Transport confirmed.