RSF Fighters Sow Chaos in Sudan's Farming Heartland

Families displaced by RSF advances in Sudan's El Gezira and Sennar states shelter at the Omar ibn al-Khattab displacement site, Kassala state, Sudan, July 10, 2024. REUTERS/ Faiz Abubakr
Families displaced by RSF advances in Sudan's El Gezira and Sennar states shelter at the Omar ibn al-Khattab displacement site, Kassala state, Sudan, July 10, 2024. REUTERS/ Faiz Abubakr
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RSF Fighters Sow Chaos in Sudan's Farming Heartland

Families displaced by RSF advances in Sudan's El Gezira and Sennar states shelter at the Omar ibn al-Khattab displacement site, Kassala state, Sudan, July 10, 2024. REUTERS/ Faiz Abubakr
Families displaced by RSF advances in Sudan's El Gezira and Sennar states shelter at the Omar ibn al-Khattab displacement site, Kassala state, Sudan, July 10, 2024. REUTERS/ Faiz Abubakr

When fighters from Sudan's Rapid Support Forces began seizing vehicles from people in Sharafat Alhalaween village, local elders complained to the group’s commanders.

They assured the village during a March visit that the RSF would protect civilians, according to four residents. Soon afterward, the RSF posted a video on social media - reviewed by Reuters - claiming to have dealt with unspecified "rogue actors" in the area.

But the next morning, the residents told Reuters, dozens of fighters stormed in on motorcycles and pickup trucks, firing guns in the air. The fighters, some in uniforms, went door to door grabbing money and valuables, prompting an exodus of thousands of people, they said.

The residents' accounts echo ones from across Sudan's central El Gezira state, a key farming region and strategic crossroads just south of the capital, Khartoum. Reuters interviewed 43 people from 20 communities - including residents, activists and RSF recruits - who described a spiral of looting, kidnapping and killing after the group seized most of the state in December.

The RSF has sought to convey in videos like the one posted in March that it is protecting civilians and providing food and services. But residents said the paramilitary group relies on a mix of irregular fighters, many motivated by bounty, and it often struggles to control them.

The Sudanese Armed Forces, which shared power with the RSF in a military-led government until fighting erupted between them in April 2023, has carried out airstrikes in El Gezira but has few ground forces there, according to residents and local activists. The military mobilized civilians to defend their communities, triggering deadly retribution, they said.

The violence has driven over 850,000 people from their homes, the United Nations says, disrupted farming critical to Sudan's food production and raised questions about the RSF's ability to enforce any truce after nearly 16 months of war.

"Some RSF officials admit that the group will face huge internal challenges should the war ever stop," said Alan Boswell of the International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based think tank. "It is bound together by conquest and the spoils of war."

The RSF denied targeting civilians or lacking command and control of its forces.

"The army, Islamist militias and criminals looted the state systematically in order to scapegoat our forces," it said in a statement to Reuters. "Our forces clashed with these rogue actors, and our commanders and soldiers died in that effort."

A military spokesman, Brigadier General Nabil Abdullah, dismissed the RSF's allegations as lies, saying the group and its mercenaries "committed every conceivable violation" against El Gezira's citizens.
Across Sudan, the RSF has repeatedly overwhelmed the military thanks in part to alliances forged with tribal militias and other armed groups. In July, it used El Gezira as a springboard to push into Sennar, White Nile and Gedaref states, triggering new waves of displacement and expanding the conflict through Sudan's agricultural heartland.

A fifth of the country's 50 million inhabitants have fled their homes, and around half are facing food insecurity, mainly in areas under RSF control, according to UN officials who describe the humanitarian crisis as the world's worst.

International efforts to mediate between the sides have made little headway, though the United States is leading efforts to convene talks in Geneva.

The RSF says it is open to negotiating a ceasefire and humanitarian access. The military says it cannot negotiate until the RSF exits civilian areas and stops abuses.

EYEING LOOT

The RSF has roots in so-called Janjaweed militias, which helped the military crush a rebellion in Sudan's western Darfur region two decades ago, gaining recognition as a state-sanctioned security force in 2017.
It allied with the military to oust president Omar al-Bashir in 2019, but the sides fell out over an internationally backed plan to move toward civilian rule.

When the power struggle turned violent, the RSF, led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, quickly took over greater Khartoum. The military, headed by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, responded with airstrikes and heavy artillery, to little effect.

The RSF then consolidated its grip across Darfur before surging into El Gezira, a refuge for half a million people displaced from Khartoum, and capturing the state capital, Wad Madani.

In Darfur, the RSF and allied militiamen engaged in ethnically targeted violence, but in El Gezira, residents said the fighters seemed convinced they were Bashir loyalists.
Some are seeking to settle grievances against a political elite that has long controlled Sudan from its center - a problem for any future truce, said Suliman Baldo of the Sudan Transparency and Policy Tracker, a US-based watchdog.

Most are eyeing loot, he and residents said.

Three sources with direct knowledge of RSF recruitment said fighters are often drawn by the promise of a share of the spoils. The RSF denies this and says its fighters are paid monthly salaries.

The force includes units from rival tribes and militias, which sometimes clash among themselves, residents said.

Fighters based in Hasaheisa, the district that includes Sharafat Alhalaween, are under the command of Ahmed Adam Gouja, who was part of a militia active in Darfur before joining the RSF at the start of the war.

This area has seen some of the harshest attacks in El Gezira, especially after salaries dried up, residents and two local RSF recruits told Reuters.

"When you ask the soldiers about Hemedti, they say, 'He gave me this gun, but we don't trust him; we don't trust his soldiers; we only trust our brothers,'" said one young man reached by phone, who like many locals asked for anonymity for fear of retribution.

He described seeing fighters cock their weapons at superiors when ordered to shut down a satellite terminal they were using to sell internet access. Asked about the incident, the RSF said it did not control the terminal or prevent people from using it.

Across the Nile River in East Gezira district, residents have been spared the worst of the violence as the RSF's top commander in the state, Abuagla Keikal, is from the area. He charges a protection tax, according to locals and activists who said fighters based in the district have clashed with Gouja's forces when they strayed over the river.

Reuters could not reach the two commanders, and the RSF did not answer questions about them.
FARMERS THREATENED

Civilians described fleeing from village to village on foot and in cars, boats, buses and donkey carts to escape RSF fighters.

First they steal cars, gold and money, more than two dozen witnesses said, returning later for items such as clothes, electronics and food, which are sold in so-called "Dagalo markets" - a reference to Hemedti.

When they find nothing, they start kidnapping people for ransom, threatening to kill them if families don't pay, according to a group of activists, the Wad Madani Resistance Committee, who document RSF raids across the state.

A committee representative, who requested anonymity for safety, said hundreds of villages have been targeted and at least 800 people killed as of April, though a telecommunications blackout makes it impossible to confirm exact numbers.

The Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa, a rights group, has documented 75 cases of sexual assault by RSF fighters in the state, said its regional director, Hala al-Karib.

At least 17 people interviewed by Reuters said they had seen beatings, often with whips, and killings during the raids.

A mother of five who sought refuge in El Gezira after fleeing Khartoum said a nephew was killed in front of her.

"They said, 'Don't lift him, or we'll shoot you too.' We had to bury him where he was," said the woman, reached by phone in Port Sudan. She gave only one name, Hanan.

RSF fighters have cleaned out stocks of wheat, sorghum and other crops and blocked farmers from their fields, according to residents and agricultural officials.

"My fields are being eaten by cows because the farmers are scared to go out," said Mohamed Balla, a farming cooperative leader from Hasaheisa.
Diesel prices have soared; fertilizer and seeds are scarce, and tractors have been stolen.

A UN-backed food security monitoring network warned in June that parts of the state were at risk of famine.

The RSF did not answer questions about the disruptions to food production but has previously blamed a military blockade imposed on the state. The military did not comment on that.

Early in the war, the RSF set up an internal police force to tackle "negative phenomena," its term for abuses. This force has arrested more than 1,000 men in El Gezira, mostly locals, the RSF told Reuters in July.

Residents said the effect was limited. In several instances, RSF police clashed with fighters, but raids did not stop, they said.

Low on ground troops, the military has tried to encourage a so-called popular resistance. Burhan said in December that 40,000 men had joined the effort in El Gezira - many of them incensed by RSF attacks on women, according to the resistance committee.

"The RSF uses this as an excuse to attack," said the committee's representative, adding that few weapons and little training have been provided to civilian recruits.

One of the worst such incidents occurred in June, near the military's last base in El Gezira.

After men in Wad al-Noura village took up arms against the RSF, its fighters killed more than 100 people there, the committee said.

The RSF described the incident as a clash with army recruits and special forces. The military did not comment, though it pledged at the time to deliver a "harsh response.”

"My husband was a teacher," a woman widowed in the incident told Reuters. "He didn't know anything about fighting, and we had nothing to fight for, no car or store. But as a man, he felt he had to fight."



Gaza Genocide Accusations: Israel In the Dock 

A displaced Palestinian boy, fleeing northern Gaza due to an Israeli military operation, sits atop belongings as he moves southward after Israeli forces ordered residents of Gaza City to evacuate to the south, in the central Gaza Strip September 17, 2025. (Reuters)
A displaced Palestinian boy, fleeing northern Gaza due to an Israeli military operation, sits atop belongings as he moves southward after Israeli forces ordered residents of Gaza City to evacuate to the south, in the central Gaza Strip September 17, 2025. (Reuters)
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Gaza Genocide Accusations: Israel In the Dock 

A displaced Palestinian boy, fleeing northern Gaza due to an Israeli military operation, sits atop belongings as he moves southward after Israeli forces ordered residents of Gaza City to evacuate to the south, in the central Gaza Strip September 17, 2025. (Reuters)
A displaced Palestinian boy, fleeing northern Gaza due to an Israeli military operation, sits atop belongings as he moves southward after Israeli forces ordered residents of Gaza City to evacuate to the south, in the central Gaza Strip September 17, 2025. (Reuters)

After United Nations investigators accused Israel of committing genocide in Gaza, what charges do the country and its leaders face in international courts, and what happens next?

Two institutions based in The Hague: the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC).

The two are often mixed up, even by seasoned observers.

The ICC, set up in 2002, prosecutes individuals suspected of committing the world's worst crimes: war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.

The much older ICJ, established in 1948, weighs disputes between countries, usually with one nation accusing another of breaking an international treaty.

The UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry (COI), which does not speak on behalf of the world body, found that "genocide is occurring in Gaza", commission chief Navi Pillay told AFP.

Pillay said her team had shared "thousands of pieces of information" with ICC prosecutors.

Thijs Bouwknegt, a genocide expert at the University of Amsterdam, said both international courts would examine the report as one piece of evidence among several.

"If I were an investigator, I would look at the report and use it as one of the many other sources," he told AFP.

But Bouwknegt said the report was also a call to political action.

"For a report to have effect, you need people to do something with it. This is political agency," he said.

"It's for state ministers or government leaders to do something with the report if they feel they want to change something in Gaza."

The International Criminal Court has arrest warrants outstanding for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former defense minister Yoav Gallant.

They both face charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity over Israel's campaign in Gaza, including starvation, murder and persecution.

The ICC has not charged either man with genocide.

The court also issued warrants for three senior Hamas leaders, all since withdrawn after their deaths.

At the International Court of Justice, South Africa has a case against Israel, accusing it of breaching the 1948 UN Genocide Convention.

ICJ judges have issued several emergency rulings in that case, including ordering Israel to stop operations in Rafah Governorate and to allow "unhindered" humanitarian aid into Gaza.

But the ICJ has not yet begun to weigh the wider case of whether Israel is committing genocide in Gaza, a process that could take months or years.

In the case of the International Criminal Court, it is currently examining an Israeli challenge to its jurisdiction.

The court relies on its 125 member states to enforce its arrest warrants, meaning that unless Israel decides to hand over Netanyahu to The Hague, he is unlikely to appear in the dock.

The ICC cannot hold a trial in absentia.

The International Court of Justice has given Israel until January 2026 to file in writing a so-called "counter memorial" responding to South Africa's case.

Following that, there is likely to be more legal back-and-forth in writing as the court weighs probable objections by both sides.

Only then do judges weigh the "merits" of the case, involving oral hearings.

A long time. The next thing to watch at the ICC is the jurisdiction challenge, but there is no timeframe for that decision.

At the ICJ, most observers do not expect genocide hearings much before 2027.

"You know that the law is incredibly slow... So this might be useful or impactful five years from now or ten years from now," Bouwknegt said.


What Is the Scarborough Shoal and What Is China Planning There? 

A reporter takes a video over the Scarborough Shoal in the disputed South China Sea on February 16, 2024. (AFP)
A reporter takes a video over the Scarborough Shoal in the disputed South China Sea on February 16, 2024. (AFP)
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What Is the Scarborough Shoal and What Is China Planning There? 

A reporter takes a video over the Scarborough Shoal in the disputed South China Sea on February 16, 2024. (AFP)
A reporter takes a video over the Scarborough Shoal in the disputed South China Sea on February 16, 2024. (AFP)

China's coast guard said it had taken "control measures" in intercepting Philippine vessels at the disputed Scarborough Shoal in the South China Sea, site of years of standoffs between the two countries.

WHAT'S THE SHOAL'S SIGNIFICANCE?

Named after a British ship grounded on the atoll nearly three centuries ago, the Scarborough Shoal is one of Asia's most contested maritime features and a flashpoint for diplomatic flare-ups over sovereignty and fishing rights.

Located 200 km (124 miles) off the Philippines and inside its exclusive economic zone, the shoal is coveted for its bountiful fish stocks and a stunning turquoise lagoon that provides safe haven for vessels during storms. It is named Huangyan Island by Beijing, while Manila calls it the Panatag Shoal, or Bajo de Masinloc.

Its position is strategic for Beijing, sitting in the middle of the South China Sea and near shipping lanes carrying more than $3 trillion of annual commerce. Activities there are closely watched by the United States and other major powers.

WHAT IS CHINA PLANNING?

China has approved creation of a nature reserve at Scarborough Shoal that it says is to preserve a 3,524-hectare (8,708-acre) coral reef ecosystem. It would cover the entire northeastern side of the triangle-shaped atoll, with close proximity to the sole entrance for larger vessels.

The announcement drew a strong reaction from the Philippines, which for years has accused China of activities that damage coral and marine life, including clam harvesting. The Philippines is exploring the possibility of further international arbitration over environmental issues. Beijing has made similar accusations against Manila.

China may face skepticism and international concern about its underlying motives. There have long been expectations China might one day build a manmade island on Scarborough Shoal, as it has on seven submerged reefs in the Spratly Islands, some equipped with radar, runways and missile systems.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio called the plan "destabilizing" and "coercive" and said the United States stood with the Philippines.

WHO DOES IT BELONG TO?

The Philippines and China lay claim to the Scarborough Shoal, but sovereignty has never been established and it is effectively under Beijing's control. Filipino boats operate there but, are dwarfed by China's presence.

China seized the shoal in 2012 after a standoff with the Philippines and has since maintained a deployment there of coast guard and fishing trawlers. Manila has said some of the trawlers at the shoal and other disputed areas of the South China Sea are operated by Chinese maritime militia, which Beijing has never acknowledged.

A landmark ruling on various South China Sea issues by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 2016 favored Manila but establishing sovereignty over Scarborough Shoal was not within its scope. The ruling said Beijing's blockade there violated international law as it was a traditional fishing ground for several countries, including China, the Philippines and Vietnam.

WHAT'S THE RISK OF CONFLICT?

Tensions have simmered for a while at the shoal and multiple incidents in recent years have caused diplomatic rows, but none escalated into armed conflict.

The incidents have included the use of water cannon, boat-ramming and what the Philippines considers dangerously-close maneuvers by China's coast guard, and jets shadowing Philippine aircraft over the shoal. Both sides accuse each other of provocations and trespassing.

Standing up to Beijing might score points for Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. at home and abroad, but his coast guard is under-equipped and no match for China's armada. Deployment of combat vessels could be a red line neither side wants to cross.

A deterrent might be the United States, which has taken its defense alliance with the Philippines to a new level under Marcos. Any kind of military response by China would increase the stakes considerably.

The Philippines and United States have a 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty under which Washington would defend its ally in the event of attack, a commitment US defense chiefs reinforce often. Marcos successfully lobbied for more specificity in the treaty, which now covers attacks "anywhere in the South China Sea".

WHAT HAVE EXPERTS SAID OF THE NATURE RESERVE?

Yang Xiao, a maritime expert at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, said in a video on a social media account linked to China's state broadcaster that the nature reserve plan and demarcation was sound and the shoal worthy of ecological protection.

There are clear regulations that would enable protection and allow the coast guard to enforce those, Yang said, which "reflects the gradual improvement of our jurisdiction and governance over this sea area". He also accused Filipino fishermen of catching endangered species and polluting waters.

Maritime analyst Jay Batongbacal of the University of the Philippines said China's move was a ploy to justify what he called aggressive and coercive actions, which could result in fishermen arrested and used as bargaining chips.


From Gaza to Europe, via Jet Ski: Muhammad Abu Dakha’s Daring Escape Story 

Muhammad Abu Dakha, a 31-year-old Palestinian from Gaza, takes a selfie at the train station in Brussels, Belgium August 25, 2025. (Muhammad Abu Dakha/Handout via Reuters)
Muhammad Abu Dakha, a 31-year-old Palestinian from Gaza, takes a selfie at the train station in Brussels, Belgium August 25, 2025. (Muhammad Abu Dakha/Handout via Reuters)
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From Gaza to Europe, via Jet Ski: Muhammad Abu Dakha’s Daring Escape Story 

Muhammad Abu Dakha, a 31-year-old Palestinian from Gaza, takes a selfie at the train station in Brussels, Belgium August 25, 2025. (Muhammad Abu Dakha/Handout via Reuters)
Muhammad Abu Dakha, a 31-year-old Palestinian from Gaza, takes a selfie at the train station in Brussels, Belgium August 25, 2025. (Muhammad Abu Dakha/Handout via Reuters)

It took more than a year, several thousand dollars, ingenuity, setbacks and a jet ski: this is how Muhammad Abu Dakha, a 31-year-old Palestinian, managed to escape from Gaza to reach Europe.

He documented his story through videos, photographs and audio files, which he shared with Reuters. Reuters also interviewed him and his travel companions upon their arrival in Italy, and their relatives in the Gaza Strip.

Fleeing the devastation caused by the nearly two-year-old Israel-Hamas war, in which Gaza health authorities say more than 57,000 Palestinians have been killed, Abu Dakha crossed the Rafah border point into Egypt in April 2024, paying $5,000.

TO CHINA AND BACK

He said he initially went to China, where he hoped to win asylum, but returned to Egypt, via Malaysia and Indonesia, after that failed. He showed Reuters email correspondence with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) Representation in China from August and September 2024.

Abu Dakha then went to Libya where, according to multiple reports by human rights groups and the UN, tens of thousands of migrants are routinely abused and exploited by traffickers and militias while trying to secure a spot on a boat to Europe.

According to data from Italy's interior ministry, more than 47,000 boat migrants have arrived in the country in the year to date, mostly from Libya and Tunisia. But Abu Dakha made it across in highly unusual circumstances.

After 10 failed crossing attempts with smugglers, he said he purchased a used Yamaha jet ski for about $5,000 through a Libyan online marketplace and invested another $1,500 in equipment, including a GPS, a satellite phone and life jackets.

Accompanied by two other Palestinians, 27-year-old Diaa and 23-year-old Bassem, he said he drove the jet ski for about 12 hours, seeing off a chasing Tunisian patrol boat, all while towing a dinghy with extra supplies.

The trio used ChatGPT to calculate how much fuel they would need, but still ran out some 20 km (12 miles) shy of Lampedusa. They managed to call for help, prompting a rescue and their landing on Italy's southernmost island on August 18.

They were picked up by a Romanian patrol boat taking part in a Frontex mission, a spokesperson for the European Union's border agency said, describing the circumstances as "an unusual occurrence."

"It was a very difficult journey, but we were adventurers. We had strong hope that we would arrive, and God gave us strength," said Bassem, who did not share his surname.

"The way they came was pretty unique," said Filippo Ungaro, spokesperson for UNHCR Italy, confirming that authorities recorded their arrival in Italy after a jet ski journey from the Libyan port of al-Khoms and a rescue off Lampedusa.

In a straight line, al-Khoms is about 350 km from Lampedusa.

Abu Dakha contacted Reuters while staying in Lampedusa's migrant center, after being told by a member of the staff there that his arrival via jet ski had been reported by local media.

From that point he shared material and documents, although Reuters was unable to confirm certain aspects of his account.

FROM LAMPEDUSA TO GERMANY

From Lampedusa, the odyssey continued. The three men were taken by ferry to mainland Sicily, then transferred to Genoa in northwestern Italy, but escaped from the bus transporting them before getting to their destination.

A spokesperson for the Italian interior ministry said it had no specific information about the trio's movements.

After hiding in bushes for a few hours, Abu Dakha took a plane from Genoa to Brussels. He shared with Reuters a boarding card in his name for a low-cost flight from Genoa to Brussels Charleroi, dated August 23.

From Brussels, he said he travelled to Germany, first taking a train to Cologne, then to Osnabrueck in Lower Saxony, where a relative picked him up by car and took him to Bramsche, a nearby town.

He says he has applied for asylum, and is waiting for a court to examine his application, with no date set yet for a hearing. He has no job or income and is staying in a local center for asylum seekers.

Germany's Federal Office for Migration and Refugees declined to comment on his case, citing privacy reasons.

Abu Dakha's family remains in a tent camp in Khan Younis in southern Gaza, their home destroyed.

"He had an internet shop, and his work, thank God, was comfortable financially and everything. He had built things up, and it all collapsed," said his father, Intesar Khouder Abu Dakha, speaking from Gaza.

Abu Dakha hopes to win the right to stay in Germany, and bring over his wife and two children, aged four and six. He said one of them suffers from a neurological condition requiring medical care.

"That's why I risked my life on a jet ski," he said. "Without my family, life has no meaning."