Seeking Re-Election, Algeria’s Tebboune Touts Gains 

A handout photo made available by the Electoral Campaign of Candidate Tebboune Press Service shows Algerian incumbent-President Abdelmadjid Tebboune delivering a speech as part of his campaign for the upcoming presidential election in Algiers, Algeria, 03 September 2024. (EPA/ Tebboune Campaign Press Service Handout) 
A handout photo made available by the Electoral Campaign of Candidate Tebboune Press Service shows Algerian incumbent-President Abdelmadjid Tebboune delivering a speech as part of his campaign for the upcoming presidential election in Algiers, Algeria, 03 September 2024. (EPA/ Tebboune Campaign Press Service Handout) 
TT

Seeking Re-Election, Algeria’s Tebboune Touts Gains 

A handout photo made available by the Electoral Campaign of Candidate Tebboune Press Service shows Algerian incumbent-President Abdelmadjid Tebboune delivering a speech as part of his campaign for the upcoming presidential election in Algiers, Algeria, 03 September 2024. (EPA/ Tebboune Campaign Press Service Handout) 
A handout photo made available by the Electoral Campaign of Candidate Tebboune Press Service shows Algerian incumbent-President Abdelmadjid Tebboune delivering a speech as part of his campaign for the upcoming presidential election in Algiers, Algeria, 03 September 2024. (EPA/ Tebboune Campaign Press Service Handout) 

Abdelmadjid Tebboune, who assumed Algeria's presidency during mass protests, is touting his achievements as he seeks another term. Yet, five years after the movement faded, some say real change remains elusive.

The Hirak protests, which led to the ousting of longtime President Abdelaziz Bouteflika in 2019, aimed for a comprehensive political overhaul.

Tebboune, a minister under Bouteflika, took over as president in December that year after widely boycotted elections, as the movement was stifled and its leaders were imprisoned.

Now, as he campaigns for the September 7 election, Tebboune says he has succeeded in rectifying the country's past wrongs with broad achievements and is promising more if re-elected.

Despite more than 100 weeks of demonstrations, Tebboune "dismissed the democratic transition demanded by millions of citizens", said Hasni Abidi, an Algeria analyst at the Geneva-based CERMAM Study Center.

Abidi said a change in leadership alone was insufficient to bring about a "new era", despite Tebboune's frequent references to a "new Algeria".

Even as his first term nears its end, Tebboune still faced the "difficulty of bringing about profound change", he said.

Algeria-based political commentator Mohamed Hennad said this change should primarily be political.

"As long as political questions are not legitimately resolved, any economic, cultural, or diplomatic discourse is pure diversion," he told AFP.

The Hirak movement withered away with the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic, coupled with a sweeping crackdown on protesters. Hundreds were arrested, and dozens remain behind bars or are still being prosecuted, according to prisoners' rights group CNLD.

'We suffered a lot'

Since taking office, Tebboune has claimed to have put Algeria back on track, frequently referring to Bouteflika's last years in power as the "mafia decade" where control of the oil-rich country was concentrated in the hands of a "gang".

During his tenure, several businessmen, ministers and political figures from that era, including Bouteflika's brother Said, were convicted on corruption charges and imprisoned.

Tebboune also says he has successfully transformed Algeria into an emerging economy, now Africa's third-largest.

Abidi, however, points out that Tebboune's success has been aided by a "favorable international setting", with the Ukraine-Russia war driving up natural gas prices to the benefit of Algeria, the continent's top exporter.

This economic windfall has allowed Tebboune to deliver "local-interest speeches steeped in populism", said Abidi, with promises of free housing, raising the minimum wage and higher social pensions.

At a recent rally in Oran, Tebboune pledged to create 450,000 jobs and increase monthly unemployment benefits if re-elected.

Launched in 2022, unemployment benefits now provide 13,000 dinars ($97) to people aged 19 to 40, and Tebboune has promised to raise this to 20,000 dinars -- currently the minimum wage.

Despite these pledges, critics have said social and economic progress under Tebboune has been slow.

But the president often defends his record by saying his achievements have come despite "a war against Covid-19 and corruption" following the Hirak movement.

Abdelhamid Megunine, a 20-year-old student in Algiers, recalls that period with bitterness.

"We suffered a lot," he told AFP. "Prices and the cost of living have since increased."

Although Algeria's economy has grown at a rate of about four percent over the past two years, with foreign exchange reserves reaching $70 billion, it remains heavily dependent on oil and gas.

Hydrocarbon exports account for about 95 percent of the North African country's hard currency revenues, which are crucial for sustaining social assistance programs.

On foreign policy, Tebboune's tenure has seen a mix of successes and challenges.

Algeria gained international attention in January when it became a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, where it has been a strong advocate for Palestinian rights.

However, relations with neighboring countries, especially Morocco, have worsened, largely due to the ongoing dispute over Western Sahara.

Similarly, relations with France, already strained due to a history of colonialism, recently suffered a blow.

Last month, French President Macron said Morocco's autonomy plan was the only solution for Western Sahara, which the United Nations still considers as a "non-self-governing" territory.

In response, Algiers withdrew its ambassador to France, condemning the move as a "step that no other French government had taken before".



Hector: Kingpin of Iran’s Oil Empire

Hossein Shamkhani. (Iranian media)
Hossein Shamkhani. (Iranian media)
TT

Hector: Kingpin of Iran’s Oil Empire

Hossein Shamkhani. (Iranian media)
Hossein Shamkhani. (Iranian media)

Interviews carried out by Bloomberg shed light on the “global kingpin for Iranian oil”, known as “Hector”.

The kingpin is Hossein Shamkhani, the son of Ali Shamkhani, advisor to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. He has “raked in billions of dollars in sales from commodities originating out of Iran, Russia and elsewhere, according to more than a dozen people familiar with the matter,” reported Bloomberg.

“Few know Shamkhani’s real identity and he is widely known only as Hector, the people said.”

“Companies in his network also sell oil and petrochemicals from non-sanctioned nations and sometimes mix crude from various jurisdictions, so even buyers who test barrels may not be able to identify the country of origin, the people said,” added the report.

Shamkhani’s rise

His rise to power “offers a glimpse into parts of a sprawling shadow economy of dark oil fleets that have sprung up since Russia's February 2022 invasion of Ukraine. It also shows an increasing cooperation between Tehran and Moscow as global powers ratchet up sanctions against both governments,” said the report.

“Washington faces challenges clamping down on this trade because that risks pushing up prices at the pump in an election year. Meantime, Iran gets an annual windfall of some $35 billion from its oil exports, a boon as it backs proxy groups that have attacked Israeli or Western assets” and it appears that Shamkhani has been tasked with this mission.

Bloomberg said the US has imposed sancstions on ships believed to be operating within Shamkhani’s network, revealed people informed in the matter.

Shamkhani and parts of his trading network that do some business inside the dollar system, are under investigation for possible sanctions violations by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Treasury Department, according to the people and documents seen by Bloomberg.

Shamkhani denies everything

In an emailed response to questions, the director of his company said “the firm has no connection with Shamkhani while a lawyer representing the company said it follows all rules and has no links with any Russian or Iranian interests.” He denied owning any oil company, controlling a trading network or having a firm involved in commodities deals with Iran or Russia.

“Shamkhani’s influence is so wide that products supplied by entities in his network have also reached global majors like China’s Sinopec, US-based Chevron Corp. and UK-based BP Plc, according to people familiar with the matter,” continued Bloomberg.

“People familiar with Shamkhani’s empire said he effectively oversees an intertwined web of companies,” it added. “Business ownership, shareholding and control information are easy to obscure, and other executives have been formally registered as the owners and managers, the people said.”

“As one of Iran’s most profitable sectors, oil is top of mind for officials in the US. International restrictions on crude sales have put sharp pressure on the Iranian economy for years. Even so, the Iran helps fund Hezbollah, which has been trading rocket fire with Israel, as well as Houthi militants who have been attacking Western and Israeli ships in the Red Sea. It also backs the Palestinian group Hamas, which has been at war with Israel in Gaza for almost 11 months.”

Moscow and Beirut

“Over the last three decades, Shamkhani’s father Ali served as naval commander for the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, defense minister and then Secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, the country’s top security body.”

“The younger Shamkhani is in his 40s and was born in Tehran, according to people who have worked with him. He attended university in Moscow and Beirut before returning to the Iranian capital to obtain a Master of Business Administration, an archived LinkedIn profile says. Shamkhani’s Russian connections are particularly valuable at a time when Tehran and Moscow, both under Western sanctions, are strengthening their military and economic cooperation,” reported Bloomberg.

“My father never had nor does he have anything to do with my business activities,” Shamkhani said.

During a brief TV appearance in 2008, the elder Shamkhani said he advised his son to go into the private sector rather than follow in his footsteps with a government post.