Chased Away by Israeli Settlers, These Palestinians Returned to a Village in Ruins

The ruins of a home in the West Bank village of Khirbet Zanuta, destroyed when residents were driven out by Israeli settlers, Tuesday, Aug. 27, 2024. (AP)
The ruins of a home in the West Bank village of Khirbet Zanuta, destroyed when residents were driven out by Israeli settlers, Tuesday, Aug. 27, 2024. (AP)
TT

Chased Away by Israeli Settlers, These Palestinians Returned to a Village in Ruins

The ruins of a home in the West Bank village of Khirbet Zanuta, destroyed when residents were driven out by Israeli settlers, Tuesday, Aug. 27, 2024. (AP)
The ruins of a home in the West Bank village of Khirbet Zanuta, destroyed when residents were driven out by Israeli settlers, Tuesday, Aug. 27, 2024. (AP)

An entire Palestinian community fled their tiny West Bank village last fall after repeated threats from Israeli settlers with a history of violence. Then, in a rare endorsement of Palestinian land rights, Israel’s highest court ruled this summer the displaced residents of Khirbet Zanuta were entitled to return under the protection of Israeli forces.

But their homecoming has been bittersweet. In the intervening months, nearly all the houses in the village, a health clinic and a school were destroyed — along with the community’s sense of security in the remote desert land where they have farmed and herded sheep for decades.

Roughly 40% of former residents have so far chosen not to return. The 150 or so that have come back are sleeping outside the ruins of their old homes. They say they are determined to rebuild – and to stay – even as settlers once again try to intimidate them into leaving and a court order prevents them from any new construction.

“There is joy, but there are some drawbacks,” said Fayez Suliman Tel, the head of the village council and one of the first to come back to see the ransacked village – roofs seemingly blown off buildings, walls defaced by graffiti.

“The situation is extremely miserable,” Tel said, “but despite that, we are steadfast and staying in our land, and God willing, this displacement will not be repeated.”

The Israeli military body in charge of civilian affairs in the West Bank said in a statement to The Associated Press it had not received any claims of Israeli vandalism of the village, and that it was taking measures to “ensure security and public order” during the villagers’ return.

“The Palestinians erected a number of structural components illegally at the place, and in that regard enforcement proceedings were undertaken in accordance with law,” the statement said.

The villagers of Khirbet Zanuta had long faced harassment and violence from settlers. But after the Oct. 7 attack on Israel by Hamas that launched the war in Gaza, they said they received explicit death threats from Israelis living in an unauthorized outpost up the hill called Meitarim Farm. The outpost is run by Yinon Levi, who has been sanctioned by the US, UK, EU and Canada for menacing his Palestinian neighbors.

The villagers say they reported the threats and attacks to Israeli police, but said they got little help. Fearing for their lives, at the end of October, they packed up whatever they could carry and left.

Though settler violence had been rising even before the war under the far-right government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, it has been turbocharged ever since Oct. 7. More than 1,500 Palestinians have been displaced by settler violence since then, according to the United Nations, and very few have returned home.

Khirbet Zanuta stands as a rare example. It is unclear if any other displaced community has been granted a court's permission to return since the start of the war.

Even though residents have legal protection Israel's highest court, they still have to contend with Levi and other young men from the Meitarim Farm outpost trying to intimidate them.

Shepherd Fayez Fares Al Samareh, 57, said he returned to Khirbet Zanuta two weeks ago to find that his house had been bulldozed by settlers. The men of his family have joined him in bringing their flocks back home, he said, but conditions in the village are grave.

“The children have not returned and the women as well. Where will they stay? Under the sun?” he said.

Settler surveillance continues: Al Samareh said that every Friday and Saturday, settlers arrive to the village, photographing residents.

Videos taken by human rights activists and obtained by The Associated Press show settlers roaming around Khirbet Zanuta last month, taking pictures of residents as Israeli police look on.

By displacing small villages, rights groups say West Bank settlers like Levi are able to accumulate vast swaths of land, reshaping the map of the occupied territory that Palestinians hope to include in their homeland as part of any two-state solution.

The plight of Khirbet Zanuta is also an example of the limited effectiveness of international sanctions as a means of reducing settler violence in the West Bank. The US recently targeted Hashomer Yosh, a government-funded group that sends volunteers to work on West Bank farms, both legal and illegal, with sanctions. Hashomer Yosh sent volunteers to Levi’s outpost, a Nov. 13 Facebook post said.

“After all 250 Palestinian residents of Khirbet Zanuta were forced to leave, Hashomer Yosh volunteers fenced off the village to prevent the residents from returning,” a US State Department spokesman, Matthew Miller, said last week.

Neither Hashomer Yosh nor Levi responded to a request for comment on intrusions into the village since residents returned. But Levi claimed in a June interview with AP that the land was his, and admitted to taking part in clearing it of Palestinians, though he denied doing so violently.

“Little by little, you feel when you drive on the roads that everyone is closing in on you,” he said at the time. “They’re building everywhere, wherever they want. So you want to do something about it.”

The legal rights guaranteed to Khirbet Zanuta's residents only go so far. Under the terms of the court ruling that allowed them to return, they are forbidden from building new structures across the roughly 1 square kilometer village. The land, the court ruled, is part of an archaeological zone, so any new structures are at risk of demolition.

Distraught but not deterred, the villagers are repairing badly damaged homes, the health clinic and the EU-funded school — by whom, they do not know for sure.

“We will renovate these buildings so that they are qualified to receive students before winter sets in,” Khaled Doudin, the governor of the Hebron region that includes Khirbet Zanuta, said as he stood in the bulldozed school.

“And after that we will continue to rehabilitate it,” he said, “so that we do not give the occupation the opportunity to demolish it again.”



What to Watch for at the Harris-Trump Presidential Debate

FILE PHOTO: Former US President Donald Trump in New York City, US May 30, 2024 and US Vice President Kamala Harris in Washington, US, July 22, 2024 in a combination of file photos. REUTERS/Eduardo Munoz, Nathan Howard/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Former US President Donald Trump in New York City, US May 30, 2024 and US Vice President Kamala Harris in Washington, US, July 22, 2024 in a combination of file photos. REUTERS/Eduardo Munoz, Nathan Howard/File Photo
TT

What to Watch for at the Harris-Trump Presidential Debate

FILE PHOTO: Former US President Donald Trump in New York City, US May 30, 2024 and US Vice President Kamala Harris in Washington, US, July 22, 2024 in a combination of file photos. REUTERS/Eduardo Munoz, Nathan Howard/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Former US President Donald Trump in New York City, US May 30, 2024 and US Vice President Kamala Harris in Washington, US, July 22, 2024 in a combination of file photos. REUTERS/Eduardo Munoz, Nathan Howard/File Photo

Democrat Kamala Harris and Republican Donald Trump will battle each other next week in their first televised debate, a high-stakes clash that could give the winner an advantage in the final sprint to Election Day.
For Harris, the square-off in Philadelphia on Tuesday is an opportunity to lay out her priorities and show her mettle against a rival who has belittled her intelligence and subjected her to racist and sexist attacks, Reuters reported.
Trump will get a chance to try and blunt some of Harris' momentum in a race that has tightened considerably since she became the Democratic nominee in July. Most opinion polls show Harris to be slightly ahead nationally and in the majority of battleground states, but Trump remains well within striking distance to win the Nov. 5 election. Debates can be enormously consequential, and this could be their only one. President Joe Biden dropped out of the race after a faltering performance in June. In 2016, however, Hillary Clinton was considered to be the victor in all three of her debates against Trump, but he won the election.
Here's what to watch for in the pivotal televised event:
CHANGE CANDIDATES
In an election that features a former president facing the current vice president, both candidates are somewhat paradoxically portraying themselves as "change" candidates who will upset the status quo.
Harris is seeking to take credit for the achievements of the Biden administration without being weighed down by its missteps, while also suggesting her presidency would mark a fresh start for the country. Despite four years in the White House from 2017-2021, Trump has again styled himself as an insurgent pushing back against the institutions of Washington. But he also has played up his experience on the world stage as compared to Harris, pledging for instance that he could bring to an end the conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza and protect the country from a nuclear-armed North Korea or Iran.
GETTING PERSONAL
Since Harris became the nominee, Trump has questioned the authenticity of her heritage and unleashed a stream of personal attacks in speeches and social media posts, defying aides and allies who have told him to focus more on her policies.
If he repeats those attacks on the debate stage, he could alienate undecided voters, particularly those who are skeptical that he has a presidential temperament. In his 2016 debates against Clinton, Trump frequently raged at her, interrupted the moderators, pointed fingers and called her names. He tried the same tactic with Biden in 2020, leading Biden to say "Will you shut up, man?" after Trump had interrupted him several times.
Harris has largely ignored Trump's personal attacks so far. Some viewers will be watching for how she handles Trump if he brings his bullying approach to the debate stage. To show the sharpest contrast with Trump, she will have to show she won’t be pulled into the pit with him.
OPPORTUNITIES
The debate is Harris' chance to establish her own political identity for millions of Americans who tune in to watch. Harris is not as well known as the Democratic presidential candidates who most recently preceded her, which could be a huge asset in an election where voters repeatedly said they were weary of a Biden-Trump rematch.
Harris, a former California attorney general, will have a platform to show her prosecutorial skills. She could try and hold Trump accountable for his conduct after the 2020 election, including allegations that he incited a mob of followers to attack the US Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, in a last-ditch bid to remain in power.
Her courtroom experience may also enable her to rebut Trump's falsehoods in real time in a more effective way than Biden was able to during their June debate.
For Trump, the debate affords him his best chance yet to assert that Harris isn't ready to run the country and that he's the better choice for the job.
Trump likely will attack Harris over the Biden administration’s border-security policies, which failed to stop a record number of migrants from crossing into the US before being tightened earlier this year, as well as high consumer prices that Trump argues has made it harder for middle-class families to make ends meet.
He could continue to try to pin her to the chaotic US exit from Afghanistan in 2021, raising questions about whether a candidate whose campaign has relied on "joy" and "vibes" is prepared to become commander-in-chief.
VULNERABILITIES
Democrats have been saying for months that Trump has authoritarian tendencies and is a danger to democracy. Harris could repeat that line of attack as well as pressing him on his opposition to abortion, one of his most vulnerable political issues.
She will likely highlight his role in placing justices on the US Supreme Court who helped to do away with constitutional protection for the procedure and warn that women's reproductive rights would be further curtailed under a second Trump presidency. Harris' aides and advisers said she plans to focus on what her team calls Trump's failures on the US border wall, infrastructure and the COVID-19 pandemic.
Harris also may slam Trump for his economic policies during his administration, arguing he showered corporations with tax cuts and opposed raising the minimum wage. She could try to link him to Project 2025, a governing blueprint laid out by the conservative Heritage Foundation that critics say would abuse executive power. Trump has tried to distance himself from the plans.
And she might bring up Trump's felony conviction in his porn-star hush money case earlier this year as well as the allegations of sexual assault he has faced.
Trump, meantime, might remind viewers of the liberal policies Harris embraced during the 2020 presidential campaign and has now disowned, including doing away with private health insurance and supporting the so-called “Green New Deal” – a massive clean-energy program.
Harris will need strong answers on those fronts if she is to win over independent and undecided voters. She has been content to sketch much of her vision for the presidency in broad strokes. Trump - and the moderators - may force her to be more granular.
Progressives also will be looking to see if Harris differs from Biden on key issues such as the conflict in Gaza and if she would be willing to put greater pressure on the Israeli government to reach a ceasefire agreement.