Is There US-Turkish-Russian Coordination to Distance Assad from Iran?

An opposition fighter crosses a wall painted with the colors of the Iranian flag in the town of Khan Sheikhoun, in rural Idlib, at a military site belonging to Iranian forces, after Syrian opposition forces took control of the town (EPA).
An opposition fighter crosses a wall painted with the colors of the Iranian flag in the town of Khan Sheikhoun, in rural Idlib, at a military site belonging to Iranian forces, after Syrian opposition forces took control of the town (EPA).
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Is There US-Turkish-Russian Coordination to Distance Assad from Iran?

An opposition fighter crosses a wall painted with the colors of the Iranian flag in the town of Khan Sheikhoun, in rural Idlib, at a military site belonging to Iranian forces, after Syrian opposition forces took control of the town (EPA).
An opposition fighter crosses a wall painted with the colors of the Iranian flag in the town of Khan Sheikhoun, in rural Idlib, at a military site belonging to Iranian forces, after Syrian opposition forces took control of the town (EPA).

There has been widespread speculation on the escalating conflict in Syria, as observers attempt to understand its causes, implications, and the US position. The recent, unexpected offensive launched by Syrian opposition groups—led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which is designated a terrorist organization by Washington—has significantly reshaped the Syrian civil war. The timing is particularly noteworthy, as the offensive began just two days after a ceasefire was announced in Lebanon between Israel and Hezbollah.

While some analysts suggest Türkiye may be behind the opposition’s assault, they also note a perceived laissez-faire attitude from the administration of President Joe Biden. This approach may serve multiple objectives: exerting pressure on Iran and Russia, influencing the incoming Trump administration, ensuring US forces remain in northeastern Syria, and maintaining protection for Kurdish forces against potential Turkish aggression, should political negotiations in Syria fail.

Brian Katulis, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute in Washington, asserts that Syria’s civil war “never truly ended.” It has persisted at a lower intensity, with the Bashar Assad regime continuing its attacks on civilians with support from Russia, Iran, and Hezbollah. However, the renewed fighting complicates the situation for Kurdish fighters, another group opposing Assad, who have controlled parts of Aleppo. Reports indicate that these fighters began evacuating the region by bus on Monday.

In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, Katulis argues that the primary driver of recent developments is internal, as sustainable stability has never been achieved. Opposition forces have exploited systemic weaknesses in the regime—such as corruption, stagnation, and a lack of political legitimacy—to reorganize. He emphasizes that millions of Syrians still aspire to freedom, a desire that remains unchanged despite ongoing challenges.

While external players like Türkiye, Russia, and Iran are significant, Katulis believes the central issue lies in Syria’s internal divisions and the power struggles among competing factions.

The US Position on Assad

Despite the renewed turmoil, the US stance on Assad has remained consistent for over a decade. A State Department spokesperson recently reiterated that while the US acknowledges Assad’s loss of credibility, removing him from power is not a priority. Nor does Washington actively support the opposition factions.

According to The New York Times, US and Gulf states, along with Israel, have previously extended proposals to Assad, urging him to sever his key regional alliances with Hezbollah and Iran. However, the ongoing offensive by opposition factions may derail these efforts. The report suggests that Assad is likely to double down on his reliance on Iran and its allies for survival.

Despite these challenges, sources in Washington have hinted at potential shifts on the ground. They suggest that Assad might now be more receptive to proposals for distancing himself from Iran. Reports indicate preliminary negotiations between Assad and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, reportedly brokered by Russian President Vladimir Putin.

According to these sources, recent Russian military support to defend Hama underscores Moscow’s commitment to preserving Assad’s regime. Simultaneously, discussions are underway to secure the withdrawal of armed factions from Aleppo—potentially before or shortly after Trump assumes office. These plans reportedly include neutralizing non-Syrian fighters within opposition factions, integrating Syrian fighters into a Ministry of Defense-controlled corps under Turkish and Russian guarantees, and paving the way for Iran’s eventual exclusion from Syria.

Türkiye’s involvement, whether direct or tacit, aligns with its tactical goals of expanding its influence in the Syrian conflict. Analysts suggest Ankara may be leveraging the transitional period between the Biden and Trump administrations to strike at Russian and Iranian influence in Syria. This follows Israeli efforts to weaken Hezbollah and Iran, coupled with Russia’s distraction due to its ongoing war in Ukraine.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken recently highlighted Assad’s refusal to engage in any meaningful political process. He noted that the opposition factions’ advances underscore vulnerabilities among Assad’s backers, including Russia and Iran.

Meanwhile, Kurdish forces—long viewed as adversaries by Türkiye—reportedly had no option but to accept safe passage to northeastern Syria, where they have participated in US-led operations against ISIS over the past decade.

As opposition factions approach Hama, the regime’s response to the Aleppo offensive signals a potential resurgence of civil war. This shift complicates US efforts to turn the page on Syria’s conflict, an initiative that has yet to produce tangible results.



The Fragile Israel-Hezbollah Truce is Holding so Far, Despite Violations

Mariam Kourani removes a toy car from the rubble of her destroyed house after returning with her family to the Hanouiyeh village in southern Lebanon, on Nov. 28, 2024, following a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla, File)
Mariam Kourani removes a toy car from the rubble of her destroyed house after returning with her family to the Hanouiyeh village in southern Lebanon, on Nov. 28, 2024, following a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla, File)
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The Fragile Israel-Hezbollah Truce is Holding so Far, Despite Violations

Mariam Kourani removes a toy car from the rubble of her destroyed house after returning with her family to the Hanouiyeh village in southern Lebanon, on Nov. 28, 2024, following a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla, File)
Mariam Kourani removes a toy car from the rubble of her destroyed house after returning with her family to the Hanouiyeh village in southern Lebanon, on Nov. 28, 2024, following a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla, File)

A fragile ceasefire between Israel and the Lebanon's Hezbollah has held up for over a month, even as its terms seem unlikely to be met by the agreed-upon deadline.

The deal struck on Nov. 27 to halt the war required Hezbollah to immediately lay down its arms in southern Lebanon and gave Israel 60 days to withdraw its forces there and hand over control to the Lebanese army and UN peacekeepers.

So far, Israel has withdrawn from just two of the dozens of towns it holds in southern Lebanon. And it has continued striking what it says are bases belonging to Hezbollah, which it accuses of attempting to launch rockets and move weapons before they can be confiscated and destroyed, The AP reported.

Hezbollah, which was severely diminished during nearly 14 months of war, has threatened to resume fighting if Israel does not fully withdraw its forces by the 60-day deadline.

Yet despite accusations from both sides about hundreds of ceasefire violations, the truce is likely to hold, analysts say. That is good news for thousands of Israeli and Lebanese families displaced by the war still waiting to return home.

“The ceasefire agreement is rather opaque and open to interpretation,” said Firas Maksad, a senior fellow with the Middle East Institute in Washington. That flexibility, he said, may give it a better chance of holding in the face of changing circumstances, including the ouster of Syria's longtime leader, Bashar Assad, just days after the ceasefire took effect.

With Assad gone, Hezbollah lost a vital route for smuggling weapons from Iran. While that further weakened Hezbollah’s hand, Israel had already agreed to the US-brokered ceasefire.

Hezbollah began firing rockets into Israel on Oct. 8, 2023 — the day after Hamas launched a deadly attack into Israel that ignited the ongoing war in Gaza. Since then, Israeli air and ground assaults have killed more than 4,000 people in Lebanon, including hundreds of civilians. At the height of the war, more than 1 million Lebanese people were displaced.

Hezbollah rockets forced some 60,000 from their homes in northern Israel, and killed 76 people in Israel, including 31 soldiers. Almost 50 Israeli soldiers were killed during operations inside Lebanon.

Here’s a look at the terms of the ceasefire and its prospects for ending hostilities over the long-term.

What does the ceasefire agreement say? The agreement says that both Hezbollah and Israel will halt “offensive” military actions, but that they can act in self-defense, although it is not entirely clear how that term may be interpreted.

The Lebanese army is tasked with preventing Hezbollah and other militant groups from launching attacks into Israel. It is also required to dismantle Hezbollah facilities and weapons in southern Lebanon — activities that might eventually be expanded to the rest of Lebanon, although it is not explicit in the ceasefire agreement.

The United States, France, Israel, Lebanon and the UN peacekeeping force in Lebanon, known as UNIFIL, are responsible for overseeing implementation of the agreement.

“The key question is not whether the deal will hold, but what version of it will be implemented,” Maksad, the analyst, said.

Is the ceasefire being implemented? Hezbollah has for the most part halted its rocket and drone fire into Israel, and Israel has stopped attacking Hezbollah in most areas of Lebanon. But Israel has launched regular airstrikes on what it says are militant sites in southern Lebanon and in the Bekaa Valley.

Israeli forces have so far withdrawn from two towns in southern Lebanon - Khiam and Shamaa. They remain in some 60 others, according to the International Organization for Migration, and around 160,000 Lebanese remain displaced.

Lebanon has accused Israel of repeatedly violating the ceasefire agreement and last week submitted a complaint to the UN Security Council that says Israel launched some 816 “ground and air attacks” between the start of the ceasefire and Dec. 22, 2024.

The complaint said the attacks have hindered the Lebanese army's efforts to deploy in the south and uphold its end of the ceasefire agreement.

Until Israel hands over control of more towns to the Lebanese army, Israeli troops have been destroying Hezbollah infrastructure, including weapons warehouses and underground tunnels. Lebanese authorities say Israel has also destroyed civilian houses and infrastructure.

What happens after the ceasefire has been in place for 60 days? Israel's withdrawal from Lebanese towns has been slower than anticipated because of a lack of Lebanese army troops ready to take over, according to Lt. Col. Nadav Shoshani, a military spokesman. Lebanon disputes this, and says it is waiting for Israel to withdraw before entering the towns.

Shoshani said Israel is satisfied with the Lebanese army's control of the areas it has already withdrawn from, and that while it would prefer a faster transfer of power, security is its most important objective.

Israel does not consider the 60-day timetable for withdrawal to be “sacred,” said Harel Chorev, an expert on Israel-Lebanon relations at Tel Aviv University who estimates that Lebanon will need to recruit and deploy thousands more troops before Israel will be ready to hand over control.

Hezbollah officials have said that if Israeli forces remain in Lebanon 60 days past the start of the ceasefire, the militant group might return to attacking them. But Hezbollah Secretary General Naim Kassem said Wednesday that, for now, the group is holding off to give the Lebanese state a chance to "take responsibility” for enforcing the agreement.

Over the final two months of the war, Hezbollah suffered major blows to its leadership, weapons and forces from a barrage of Israeli airstrikes, and a ground invasion that led to fierce battles in southern Lebanon. The fall of Assad was another big setback.

“The power imbalance suggests Israel may want to ensure greater freedom of action after the 60-day period,” Maksad, the analyst, said. And Hezbollah, in its weakened position, now has a “strong interest” in making sure the deal doesn't fall apart altogether “despite Israeli violations,” he said.

While Hezbollah may not be in a position to return to open war with Israel, it or other groups could mount guerilla attacks using light weaponry if Israeli troops remain in southern Lebanon, said former Lebanese army Gen. Hassan Jouni. And even if Israel does withdraw all of its ground forces, Jouni said, the Israeli military could could continue to carry out sporadic airstrikes in Lebanon, much as it has done in Syria for years.