Is There US-Turkish-Russian Coordination to Distance Assad from Iran?

An opposition fighter crosses a wall painted with the colors of the Iranian flag in the town of Khan Sheikhoun, in rural Idlib, at a military site belonging to Iranian forces, after Syrian opposition forces took control of the town (EPA).
An opposition fighter crosses a wall painted with the colors of the Iranian flag in the town of Khan Sheikhoun, in rural Idlib, at a military site belonging to Iranian forces, after Syrian opposition forces took control of the town (EPA).
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Is There US-Turkish-Russian Coordination to Distance Assad from Iran?

An opposition fighter crosses a wall painted with the colors of the Iranian flag in the town of Khan Sheikhoun, in rural Idlib, at a military site belonging to Iranian forces, after Syrian opposition forces took control of the town (EPA).
An opposition fighter crosses a wall painted with the colors of the Iranian flag in the town of Khan Sheikhoun, in rural Idlib, at a military site belonging to Iranian forces, after Syrian opposition forces took control of the town (EPA).

There has been widespread speculation on the escalating conflict in Syria, as observers attempt to understand its causes, implications, and the US position. The recent, unexpected offensive launched by Syrian opposition groups—led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which is designated a terrorist organization by Washington—has significantly reshaped the Syrian civil war. The timing is particularly noteworthy, as the offensive began just two days after a ceasefire was announced in Lebanon between Israel and Hezbollah.

While some analysts suggest Türkiye may be behind the opposition’s assault, they also note a perceived laissez-faire attitude from the administration of President Joe Biden. This approach may serve multiple objectives: exerting pressure on Iran and Russia, influencing the incoming Trump administration, ensuring US forces remain in northeastern Syria, and maintaining protection for Kurdish forces against potential Turkish aggression, should political negotiations in Syria fail.

Brian Katulis, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute in Washington, asserts that Syria’s civil war “never truly ended.” It has persisted at a lower intensity, with the Bashar Assad regime continuing its attacks on civilians with support from Russia, Iran, and Hezbollah. However, the renewed fighting complicates the situation for Kurdish fighters, another group opposing Assad, who have controlled parts of Aleppo. Reports indicate that these fighters began evacuating the region by bus on Monday.

In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, Katulis argues that the primary driver of recent developments is internal, as sustainable stability has never been achieved. Opposition forces have exploited systemic weaknesses in the regime—such as corruption, stagnation, and a lack of political legitimacy—to reorganize. He emphasizes that millions of Syrians still aspire to freedom, a desire that remains unchanged despite ongoing challenges.

While external players like Türkiye, Russia, and Iran are significant, Katulis believes the central issue lies in Syria’s internal divisions and the power struggles among competing factions.

The US Position on Assad

Despite the renewed turmoil, the US stance on Assad has remained consistent for over a decade. A State Department spokesperson recently reiterated that while the US acknowledges Assad’s loss of credibility, removing him from power is not a priority. Nor does Washington actively support the opposition factions.

According to The New York Times, US and Gulf states, along with Israel, have previously extended proposals to Assad, urging him to sever his key regional alliances with Hezbollah and Iran. However, the ongoing offensive by opposition factions may derail these efforts. The report suggests that Assad is likely to double down on his reliance on Iran and its allies for survival.

Despite these challenges, sources in Washington have hinted at potential shifts on the ground. They suggest that Assad might now be more receptive to proposals for distancing himself from Iran. Reports indicate preliminary negotiations between Assad and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, reportedly brokered by Russian President Vladimir Putin.

According to these sources, recent Russian military support to defend Hama underscores Moscow’s commitment to preserving Assad’s regime. Simultaneously, discussions are underway to secure the withdrawal of armed factions from Aleppo—potentially before or shortly after Trump assumes office. These plans reportedly include neutralizing non-Syrian fighters within opposition factions, integrating Syrian fighters into a Ministry of Defense-controlled corps under Turkish and Russian guarantees, and paving the way for Iran’s eventual exclusion from Syria.

Türkiye’s involvement, whether direct or tacit, aligns with its tactical goals of expanding its influence in the Syrian conflict. Analysts suggest Ankara may be leveraging the transitional period between the Biden and Trump administrations to strike at Russian and Iranian influence in Syria. This follows Israeli efforts to weaken Hezbollah and Iran, coupled with Russia’s distraction due to its ongoing war in Ukraine.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken recently highlighted Assad’s refusal to engage in any meaningful political process. He noted that the opposition factions’ advances underscore vulnerabilities among Assad’s backers, including Russia and Iran.

Meanwhile, Kurdish forces—long viewed as adversaries by Türkiye—reportedly had no option but to accept safe passage to northeastern Syria, where they have participated in US-led operations against ISIS over the past decade.

As opposition factions approach Hama, the regime’s response to the Aleppo offensive signals a potential resurgence of civil war. This shift complicates US efforts to turn the page on Syria’s conflict, an initiative that has yet to produce tangible results.



Hurdles Remain as Israel and Hamas Once Again Inch toward a Ceasefire Deal

 A tent camp for displaced Palestinians is set up amid destroyed buildings in the Khan Younis refugee camp, southern Gaza Strip, Saturday, Jan. 4, 2025. (AP)
A tent camp for displaced Palestinians is set up amid destroyed buildings in the Khan Younis refugee camp, southern Gaza Strip, Saturday, Jan. 4, 2025. (AP)
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Hurdles Remain as Israel and Hamas Once Again Inch toward a Ceasefire Deal

 A tent camp for displaced Palestinians is set up amid destroyed buildings in the Khan Younis refugee camp, southern Gaza Strip, Saturday, Jan. 4, 2025. (AP)
A tent camp for displaced Palestinians is set up amid destroyed buildings in the Khan Younis refugee camp, southern Gaza Strip, Saturday, Jan. 4, 2025. (AP)

Israel and Hamas once again appear to be inching toward a ceasefire that could wind down the 15-month war in Gaza and bring home dozens of Israelis held hostage there.

Both Israel and Hamas are under pressure from outgoing US President Joe Biden and President-elect Donald Trump to reach a deal before the Jan. 20 inauguration. But the sides have come close before, only to have talks collapse over various disagreements.

The latest round of negotiations has bogged down over the names of hostages to be released in a first phase, according to Israeli, Egyptian and Hamas officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were discussing ongoing negotiations.

Israel wants assurances that the hostages are alive, while Hamas says that after months of heavy fighting, it isn't sure who is alive or dead.

Other hurdles remain.

The first phase, expected to last for six to eight weeks, would also include a halt in fighting, a release of Palestinian prisoners and a surge in aid to the besieged Gaza Strip, according to the officials. The last phase would include the release of any remaining hostages, an end to the war, and talks on reconstruction and who will govern Gaza going forward.

“If we don’t get it across the finish line in the next two weeks, I’m confident that it will get to completion at some point, hopefully sooner rather than later,” US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said in Seoul on Monday.

Here’s a closer look at the key issues holding up a deal:

The release of hostages from Gaza

During its Oct. 7, 2023, attack on southern Israel, Hamas and other groups killed some 1,200 people and took about 250 hostages into Gaza. A truce in November 2023 freed more than 100 hostages, while others have been rescued or their remains have been recovered over the past year.

Israel says about 100 hostages remain in Gaza — at least a third of whom it believes were killed during the Oct. 7 attack or died in captivity.

The first batch of hostages to be released is expected to be made up mostly of women, older people and people with medical conditions, according to the Israeli, Egyptian and Hamas officials.

On Monday, Hamas released a list of 34 names of hostages it said were slated for release. An Egyptian official confirmed the list had been the focus of recent discussions.

But Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office said the names were from a list Israel had submitted months ago. “As of now, Israel has not received any confirmation or comment by Hamas regarding the status of the hostages appearing on the list,” it said.

An Israeli official said the current impasse was due to Hamas' refusal to provide information on the conditions of the hostages, while another official said the departure of the head of the Mossad intelligence agency for negotiations in Qatar was on hold.

A Hamas official, meanwhile, said that “no one knows” the conditions of all of the hostages. Hamas officials have said that due to the war, they cannot provide a full accounting until there is a truce.

Since the war began, over 45,800 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, according to local health authorities, who say women and children make up more than half of those killed. They do not say how many of the dead were fighters.

Pausing the war or ending it?

Families of hostages reacted angrily to reports of the phased approach, saying the government should instead be pursuing a deal that releases all the captives at once. They say time is running out to bring people home safely.

“This morning, I and everyone in Israel woke up and discovered that the state of Israel has put together a Schindler's List — 34 people who will be able to hug their families again, and 66 others whose fate will be sealed,” said Yotam Cohen, whose brother Nimrod, an Israeli soldier held hostage, did not appear on the published list.

Netanyahu has said he supports a partial deal that pauses the war, but he has rejected Hamas' demands for a full Israeli withdrawal that would end the war. Netanyahu has vowed to continue fighting until he achieves “total victory” — including the destruction of Hamas' military capabilities.

Israel has inflicted heavy damage on Hamas. But the group continues to stage attacks in Gaza and to fire rockets into Israel. That could portend an open-ended war that could drag on for months or years.

The Hostages Forum, a grassroots group representing many hostage families, said it was time for a comprehensive deal.

“We know more than half are still alive and need immediate rehabilitation, while those who were murdered must be returned for proper burial,” it said. “We have no more time to waste. A hostage ceasefire agreement must be sealed now!”

The release of Palestinian prisoners in Israel

As part of the deal, Israel is expected to free hundreds of imprisoned Palestinians, including dozens who were convicted in bloody attacks.

Israel has a history of large-scale prisoner releases, and hundreds were freed in the November 2023 deal. But the sides have disagreed over the exact number and names of the prisoners to be freed. Hamas wants high-profile prisoners included. Israeli officials have ruled out the release of Marwan Barghouti, who tops Hamas' wish list.

Netanyahu's governing coalition includes hardliners who oppose such releases, with some even pledging to quit the government if too many concessions are made. They point to a 2011 prisoner release that included the former Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, a mastermind of the Oct. 7 attacks who was killed by Israel in October.

The war has displaced an estimated 90% of Gaza’s 2.3 million people, according to UN estimates, with the hard-hit northern sector of the territory largely emptied of its prewar population.

During the first phase of the developing deal, Israel is expected to withdraw troops from Palestinian population centers and allow some of the displaced to return home. But the extent of the pullback and the number of people allowed to return must still be worked out, the officials say.