In Türkiye, Mass Protests Give Vent to Long Simmering Anger

People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)
People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)
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In Türkiye, Mass Protests Give Vent to Long Simmering Anger

People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)
People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)

The massive street protests gripping Türkiye may have been triggered by the arrest of Istanbul's popular opposition mayor, but they reflect a much broader sense of frustration, observers say.

"There is a great anger. People are spontaneously taking to the streets. Some young people are being politicized for the first time in their lives," said Yuksel Taskin, a lawmaker from the main opposition CHP.

Wednesday's arrest of Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu -- President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's most powerful political rival -- came just days before the CHP was to formally name him their candidate for the 2028 presidential race.

The move sparked a wave of protest which spread within 48 hours to more than two-thirds of Türkiye’s 81 provinces, even including strongholds of Erdogan's ruling AKP such as the central area of Konya, as well as Trabzon and Rize on the Black Sea.

Despite a ban on protests and a heavy police presence on the streets, huge crowds of protesters have taken to the streets, including many university students who are not normally seen as politically engaged.

The protests are the biggest in Türkiye since the massive demonstrations of 2013, which began at Istanbul's Gezi Park to protest its demolition and spread across almost the entire country.

"The feeling of being trapped -- economically, socially, politically, and even culturally -- was already widespread," Kemal Can, journalist and author of numerous books on Turkish society told AFP.

Imamoglu's arrest, he said, had sparked a strong reaction, "especially among young people worried about their future in a country where freedoms are increasingly restricted. It's a reaction that goes well beyond Imamoglu."

"We're the children of the 'raiders' who have now grown up," reads a slogan carried by many young protesters, using an old-fashioned term that Erdogan coined for the 2013 Gezi Park protesters when he was prime minister.

"This is not only about the CHP, but about everyone. The question is whether Türkiye will live under an authoritarian regime or be a democratic country," said Ilhan Uzgel, who handles the party's external relations.

In a bid to highlight the non-partisan nature of the protest movement, the CHP has invited all Turks, not just party members, to join its symbolic primary vote on Sunday when Imamoglu is to be named the party's presidential candidate.

"We are determined to hold this primary although (the government) is trying to block it. But it will go ahead," insisted Uzgel.

The pro-Kurdish opposition DEM, the third party in parliament, has also thrown its support behind the protests which have taken place for three nights in a row outside Istanbul City Hall.

"By using the judiciary, they are trying to reshape the opposition in order to consolidate the regime," explained DEM lawmaker Ibrahim Akin.

DEM is regularly accused by the government of having ties with the banned Kurdish militant PKK, which is blacklisted by Ankara as a terror group.

But in recent months, the Turkish government has sought to end the decades-long conflict and last month, jailed PKK founder Abdullah Ocalan urged his fighters to lay down their weapons and disband.

"For several years, the government has sought to split the opposition, or keep it tied up with internal issues. It has succeeded several times. But this time, the opposition has thwarted this strategy," said Can.

For Gonul Tol of the Washington-based Middle East Institute, the government's efforts to "drive a wedge" between DEM and CHP through its peace overtures towards the PKK had clearly failed, after DEM came out strongly against Imamoglu's arrest.

"The government now seems to be seeing how long this wave of discontent will last, hoping to weaken it through pressure, protest bans and arrests," said Can.

"If the opposition gives in to threats from the authorities who are accusing it of provoking the street, and gives the impression its determination has weakened, the government will increase the pressure," he said.

"The coming days will be crucial."



What Happens Now, after the Death of Pope Francis

Pope Francis waves to the crowd during his weekly general audience at St. Peter's Square in Vatican on May 18, 2016. (AFP)
Pope Francis waves to the crowd during his weekly general audience at St. Peter's Square in Vatican on May 18, 2016. (AFP)
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What Happens Now, after the Death of Pope Francis

Pope Francis waves to the crowd during his weekly general audience at St. Peter's Square in Vatican on May 18, 2016. (AFP)
Pope Francis waves to the crowd during his weekly general audience at St. Peter's Square in Vatican on May 18, 2016. (AFP)

Here is what happens next in the Roman Catholic Church following the death of Pope Francis, which was announced by the Vatican on Monday. The rituals mark the end of one papacy and the start of the next:

* The pope's camerlengo (chamberlain), Cardinal Kevin Farrell, officially confirms the death. He then seals the pope's private apartment and prepares the funeral.

* The camerlengo and three assistants decide when the pope's coffin will be taken into St. Peter's Basilica for public viewing. They also make sure the pope's "Fisherman's Ring" and his lead seal are broken so they cannot be used by anyone else. No autopsy is performed.

* Mourning rites last nine days, with the date of the funeral and burial to be decided by the cardinals. The funeral would normally be held four to six days after the death, in St. Peter's Square. Francis had said that unlike many predecessors, he would not be laid to rest in the crypt of St. Peter's Basilica, but in Rome's St. Mary Major Basilica. He also asked to be buried in a simple wooden casket.

* The College of Cardinals oversees day-to-day business during the interregnum. They have limited power and much of the central Church administration grinds to a halt.

* The conclave to elect a new pope starts in the Vatican's Sistine Chapel between 15 and 20 days after the death. The cardinals, who are confined to the Vatican for the duration of the conclave, decide the exact day.

* All cardinals under the age of 80 can take part in the secret ballot. They need a majority of at least two-thirds plus one to elect the new pope, so the voting can take several rounds spread over numerous days. When the election is concluded, the new pope is asked if he accepts and what name he wishes to take.

* The world learns a pope has been elected when an official burns the paper ballots with special chemicals to make white smoke pour from the chapel's chimney. They use other chemicals to make black smoke indicating an inconclusive vote.

* The dean of the College of Cardinals steps onto the central balcony of St. Peter's Basilica to announce "Habemus Papam" (We have a pope). The new pope then appears and gives the crowd in the square his blessing.