In Türkiye, Mass Protests Give Vent to Long Simmering Anger

People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)
People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)
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In Türkiye, Mass Protests Give Vent to Long Simmering Anger

People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)
People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)

The massive street protests gripping Türkiye may have been triggered by the arrest of Istanbul's popular opposition mayor, but they reflect a much broader sense of frustration, observers say.

"There is a great anger. People are spontaneously taking to the streets. Some young people are being politicized for the first time in their lives," said Yuksel Taskin, a lawmaker from the main opposition CHP.

Wednesday's arrest of Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu -- President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's most powerful political rival -- came just days before the CHP was to formally name him their candidate for the 2028 presidential race.

The move sparked a wave of protest which spread within 48 hours to more than two-thirds of Türkiye’s 81 provinces, even including strongholds of Erdogan's ruling AKP such as the central area of Konya, as well as Trabzon and Rize on the Black Sea.

Despite a ban on protests and a heavy police presence on the streets, huge crowds of protesters have taken to the streets, including many university students who are not normally seen as politically engaged.

The protests are the biggest in Türkiye since the massive demonstrations of 2013, which began at Istanbul's Gezi Park to protest its demolition and spread across almost the entire country.

"The feeling of being trapped -- economically, socially, politically, and even culturally -- was already widespread," Kemal Can, journalist and author of numerous books on Turkish society told AFP.

Imamoglu's arrest, he said, had sparked a strong reaction, "especially among young people worried about their future in a country where freedoms are increasingly restricted. It's a reaction that goes well beyond Imamoglu."

"We're the children of the 'raiders' who have now grown up," reads a slogan carried by many young protesters, using an old-fashioned term that Erdogan coined for the 2013 Gezi Park protesters when he was prime minister.

"This is not only about the CHP, but about everyone. The question is whether Türkiye will live under an authoritarian regime or be a democratic country," said Ilhan Uzgel, who handles the party's external relations.

In a bid to highlight the non-partisan nature of the protest movement, the CHP has invited all Turks, not just party members, to join its symbolic primary vote on Sunday when Imamoglu is to be named the party's presidential candidate.

"We are determined to hold this primary although (the government) is trying to block it. But it will go ahead," insisted Uzgel.

The pro-Kurdish opposition DEM, the third party in parliament, has also thrown its support behind the protests which have taken place for three nights in a row outside Istanbul City Hall.

"By using the judiciary, they are trying to reshape the opposition in order to consolidate the regime," explained DEM lawmaker Ibrahim Akin.

DEM is regularly accused by the government of having ties with the banned Kurdish militant PKK, which is blacklisted by Ankara as a terror group.

But in recent months, the Turkish government has sought to end the decades-long conflict and last month, jailed PKK founder Abdullah Ocalan urged his fighters to lay down their weapons and disband.

"For several years, the government has sought to split the opposition, or keep it tied up with internal issues. It has succeeded several times. But this time, the opposition has thwarted this strategy," said Can.

For Gonul Tol of the Washington-based Middle East Institute, the government's efforts to "drive a wedge" between DEM and CHP through its peace overtures towards the PKK had clearly failed, after DEM came out strongly against Imamoglu's arrest.

"The government now seems to be seeing how long this wave of discontent will last, hoping to weaken it through pressure, protest bans and arrests," said Can.

"If the opposition gives in to threats from the authorities who are accusing it of provoking the street, and gives the impression its determination has weakened, the government will increase the pressure," he said.

"The coming days will be crucial."



Trump Carves Up World and International Order with It

Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
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Trump Carves Up World and International Order with It

Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP

By casting doubt on the world order, Donald Trump risks dragging the globe back into an era where great powers impose their imperial will on the weak, analysts warn.
Russia wants Ukraine, China demands Taiwan and now the US president seems to be following suit, whether by coveting Canada as the "51st US state", insisting "we've got to have" Greenland or kicking Chinese interests out of the Panama Canal.
Where the United States once defended state sovereignty and international law, Trump's disregard for his neighbors' borders and expansionist ambitions mark a return to the days when the world was carved up into spheres of influence.
As recently as Wednesday, US defense secretary Pete Hegseth floated the idea of an American military base to secure the Panama Canal, a strategic waterway controlled by the United States until 1999 which Trump's administration has vowed to "take back".
Hegseth's comments came nearly 35 years after the United States invaded to topple Panama's dictator Manuel Noriega, harking back to when successive US administrations viewed Latin America as "America's backyard".
"The Trump 2.0 administration is largely accepting the familiar great power claim to 'spheres of influence'," Professor Gregory O. Hall, of the University of Kentucky, told AFP.
Indian diplomat Jawed Ashraf warned that by "speaking openly about Greenland, Canada, Panama Canal", "the new administration may have accelerated the slide" towards a return to great power domination.
The empire strikes back
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has posed as the custodian of an international order "based on the ideas of countries' equal sovereignty and territorial integrity", said American researcher Jeffrey Mankoff, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
But those principles run counter to how Russia and China see their own interests, according to the author of "Empires of Eurasia: how imperial legacies shape international security".
Both countries are "themselves products of empires and continue to function in many ways like empires", seeking to throw their weight around for reasons of prestige, power or protection, Mankoff said.
That is not to say that spheres of influence disappeared with the fall of the Soviet Union.
"Even then, the US and Western allies sought to expand their sphere of influence eastward into what was the erstwhile Soviet and then the Russian sphere of influence," Ashraf, a former adviser to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, pointed out.
But until the return of Trump, the United States exploited its position as the "policeman of the world" to ward off imperial ambitions while pushing its own interests.
Now that Trump appears to view the cost of upholding a rules-based order challenged by its rivals and increasingly criticized in the rest of the world as too expensive, the United States is contributing to the cracks in the facade with Russia and China's help.
And as the international order weakens, the great powers "see opportunities to once again behave in an imperial way", said Mankoff.
Yalta yet again
As at Yalta in 1945, when the United States and the Soviet Union divided the post-World War II world between their respective zones of influence, Washington, Beijing and Moscow could again agree to carve up the globe anew.
"Improved ties between the United States and its great-power rivals, Russia and China, appear to be imminent," Derek Grossman, of the United States' RAND Corporation think tank, said in March.
But the haggling over who gets dominance over what and where would likely come at the expense of other countries.
"Today's major powers are seeking to negotiate a new global order primarily with each other," Monica Toft, professor of international relations at Tufts University in Massachusets wrote in the journal Foreign Affairs.
"In a scenario in which the United States, China, and Russia all agree that they have a vital interest in avoiding a nuclear war, acknowledging each other's spheres of influence can serve as a mechanism to deter escalation," Toft said.
If that were the case, "negotiations to end the war in Ukraine could resemble a new Yalta", she added.
Yet the thought of a Ukraine deemed by Trump to be in Russia's sphere is likely to send shivers down the spines of many in Europe -- not least in Ukraine itself.
"The success or failure of Ukraine to defend its sovereignty is going to have a lot of impact in terms of what the global system ends up looking like a generation from now," Mankoff said.
"So it's important for countries that have the ability and want to uphold an anti-imperial version of international order to assist Ukraine," he added -- pointing the finger at Europe.
"In Trump's world, Europeans need their own sphere of influence," said Rym Momtaz, a researcher at the Carnegie Endowment for Peace.
"For former imperial powers, Europeans seem strangely on the backfoot as nineteenth century spheres of influence come back as the organising principle of global affairs."