Amr Moussa: Arafat Was Wily, Obsessed with Escaping Patronage

Arafat welcomes Amr Moussa in 1993. AFP file photo
Arafat welcomes Amr Moussa in 1993. AFP file photo
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Amr Moussa: Arafat Was Wily, Obsessed with Escaping Patronage

Arafat welcomes Amr Moussa in 1993. AFP file photo
Arafat welcomes Amr Moussa in 1993. AFP file photo

In the final episode of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, former Egyptian Foreign Minister and ex-Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa reflected on his encounters with some of the Arab world’s most prominent leaders, offering personal insights and candid recollections.

Moussa described the late Moroccan King Hassan II as “the embodiment of intelligence,” saying that conversing with the monarch required keen attention and careful reading between the lines.

“You’d state your opinion, and he would respond. His words were precise, and if you listened closely, you could discern whether he agreed or disagreed without him needing to say so explicitly,” Moussa said.

He recalled a moment of quiet diplomacy with King Hassan II over the invitation of the Sahrawi delegation to an Arab-African summit in Cairo.

“He told me very clearly, ‘I do not agree at all. Please inform the president that I am uncomfortable with this and do not wish to open unnecessary doors.’”

Moussa said he responded by explaining that Egypt would not be issuing the invitation itself - that would fall to the Secretary-General of the Organization of African Unity - and that the Egyptian president would not officially receive the Sahrawi delegation.

“I told him this would be handled formally and with discretion,” Moussa recounted. “When I said the word ‘formally,’ he repeated it, and I said, ‘Is there anything more significant than formal protocol, Your Majesty?’ He laughed. He didn’t say yes or no, but I understood his position.”

Moussa added that King Hassan reiterated his discomfort but did not object to the arrangement Moussa had outlined.

Turning to other regional figures, Moussa described Jordan’s late King Hussein bin Talal as “a skilled captain navigating turbulent waters,” and characterized the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat as “mercurial, a master of maneuvering to evade any form of guardianship.”

He expressed admiration for the diplomatic legacy of the late Saudi Foreign Minister, Prince Saud Al Faisal, and spoke appreciatively of the experience of Iraq’s former foreign minister Hoshyar Zebari.

Away from politics, Moussa shared a personal side, revealing his fondness for the poetry of Al-Mutanabbi and the music of Egyptian composer and singer Mohammed Abdel Wahab.

Moussa praised Jordan’s late King Hussein for his deft political navigation, and said his son, King Abdullah II, has inherited many of those skills in managing the kingdom through difficult times.

“I have great admiration for Jordan and deep affection for its people,” Moussa said.

“King Hussein had an exceptional ability to maneuver through enormous storms, sparing Jordan from many disasters and emerging relatively unscathed. It was a remarkable achievement.”

He said King Abdullah had inherited much of his father’s political instinct.

“I believe King Abdullah learned a lot from him and carries forward that legacy. From the time of King Hussein, Jordan has been a well-organized and orderly society.”

Acknowledging the political and economic challenges the country faces, Moussa noted, “Of course, there are political difficulties and issues like poverty just as in many of our countries but I’m speaking about governance. From the outside, Jordan appears to be managed with an extraordinary level of intelligence despite immense internal, regional, and geopolitical pressures.”

Arafat the Ultimate Wily

Asked whether he missed the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, Moussa offered a complex reflection.

“I pray for his soul. He was an extraordinary figure - charismatic, cunning, and unpredictable,” he said. “In Egypt, we’d call someone like that wily - he’d say and not say, appear and disappear, agree and disagree, all at the same time.”

Moussa described Arafat as a mirror of the Palestinian struggle. “Palestinians had to do everything they could for their cause, and that often meant being unpredictable, agile - even cunning. Arafat embodied that.”

He added, “There’s no doubt he was a nationalist. He was never willing to be an agent, submissive, or beholden to any other power. That was one of his greatest traits and perhaps one of his greatest flaws.”

“Arafat didn’t see things in black and white or even in shades of gray. But politics is about handling complexity. Sometimes you need to be decisive and firm, and at other times flexible and adaptive. That’s what politics demands.”

Moussa described Arafat as a master political tactician whose elusive maneuvering often drew fierce criticism, especially in his absence.

“Yes, he faced harsh attacks,” Moussa told Asharq Al-Awsat. “The insults often came when he wasn’t present, and he was aware of that.”

Moussa recalled a meeting in Cairo during preparations to resolve the Gaza file, a move that ultimately paved the way for Arafat’s return to Palestinian territory via Gaza.

“It was a positive step that should have been built upon,” he said.

“President [Hosni] Mubarak was very angry at the time. I think he even muttered something, not directly at Arafat, saying, ‘This is kids’ play.’”

Arafat, according to Moussa, was deeply distrustful of the Israelis. “And he was right to be,” he added. “Still, before taking any action, we had to study every angle to ensure things unfolded smoothly.”

Despite the progress, Arafat continued to hedge. “He signed, but with reservations. That frustrated President Mubarak,” Moussa said. “But I managed to convince him that the other side wasn’t exactly above suspicion either.”

Arafat’s position on the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait cost him dearly in the Arab world. “He had many enemies, especially after the Iraq-Kuwait crisis. That created significant turmoil,” Moussa said.

He noted that insults were not part of traditional Arab diplomacy. “They became more common with the rise of military coups. Suddenly, accusations of treason became routine.”

The Tunis Summit: A Diplomatic Low Point

When asked about the most difficult Arab summit he attended, Moussa pointed to the 2004 Arab League summit in Tunis, which was postponed at the last minute amid mounting tensions.

“Every summit was difficult, but that one stands out,” he said. “It was a storm of disputes, and I found myself at the center of one.”

The controversy erupted after Moussa, then Secretary-General of the Arab League, agreed to have Arab literature featured as the guest of honor at the Frankfurt Book Fair.

“The request came to me through Ghassan Salamé. He explained the proposal in my office in Cairo. I told him: ‘Tell them I accept.’ As Secretary-General, I had the authority to do so.”

The decision was initially approved by Arab culture ministers. But once it reached foreign ministers, questions arose. “They asked: ‘Is the Secretary-General entitled to make such decisions?’ I told them yes. But if they disagreed, I would present it to the summit.”

The backlash was swift. “It became a major issue, one that escalated quickly. There were other contentious items as well,” Moussa said.

Faced with the mounting discord, then-Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali decided to postpone the summit just as some Arab leaders had already begun arriving.

“It wasn’t an outright cancellation but a deferral,” Moussa explained. “Ben Ali was right. The atmosphere was too tense, with unresolved disputes. It wouldn’t have been productive.”

Tunisian State Minister Habib Ben Yahia informed the delegation of the delay, which left many shocked.

“Later, President Ben Ali summoned me to his office,” Moussa recalled. “He asked for my opinion. I told him I understood the decision, but we had to set a new date. It was late March. I suggested May. He agreed.”

Around the same time, Moussa saw a statement from an Egyptian official offering to host the summit if Tunisia could not. “I told President Ben Ali I would look into the matter and get back to him,” he said.

Moussa has recounted a high-stakes meeting with President Mubarak following the sudden postponement of the 2004 Arab League summit in Tunis, describing the diplomatic balancing act that followed.

Moussa said that before leaving Tunis for Cairo, he contacted presidential chief of staff Zakaria Azmi and requested an immediate meeting with Mubarak upon arrival. “I was told the president would see me the next morning at 9 a.m.,” he said.

On arrival at the presidential palace, he was informed by a staff member that Mubarak was meeting with Prince Saud and Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Maher.

“I asked him to inform the president I had arrived. He came back and said, ‘The president says to come in.’”

Inside the room, Prince Saud was seated to Mubarak’s right, with Maher next to him. Moussa took the chair facing the president.

“Mubarak asked me directly, ‘What are you going to do about this, Amr?’” Moussa recalled. “I told him, ‘Mr. President, the situation was indeed complicated. Perhaps the decision (to postpone) wasn’t ideal, but there were real difficulties.’”

He explained that the summit had been Tunisia’s turn to host and that he had already spoken with Ben Ali. “I told him we must agree on a new date - May - and that it must be held in Tunis. I said this message should come from you directly.”

Mubarak, Moussa said, responded positively: “You’re right. I feel reassured by this.”

Moussa said Saudi Arabia’s late foreign minister, Prince Saud, had a look of “relief and joy” when Egypt backed holding the 2004 Arab League summit in Tunis, following a postponement that had stirred diplomatic tensions.

“It was as if mercy had descended upon him,” Moussa told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Prince Saud was visibly pleased. As secretary-general, I insisted the summit must take place in Tunis. In fact, Prince Saud had come to Cairo for the same reason. He feared that relocating the summit would spark a crisis between Egypt and Tunisia, or even with the Maghreb.”

He added, “I returned to Tunis the following day and informed President Ben Ali that the summit would indeed be held there the next month. We then sat together discussing our mutual admiration for Mohamed Abdel Wahab. He was a great fan and had collected all his recordings.”

On the Fate of Arab Leaders

Asked how he felt when reflecting on the downfall of Arab rulers such as Muammar Gaddafi, Saddam Hussein, Ali Abdullah Saleh, Hosni Mubarak and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Moussa said:

“May God have mercy on them. They made grave mistakes and failed to see the momentum that was building. That momentum was evident in the discourse around a ‘new Middle East.’ If good governance had existed in those countries, the people would have protected their leaders. But what happened showed the deep need for change.”

Praise for Arab Diplomacy

Moussa also spoke highly of several Arab foreign ministers he worked with, saying many were “exceptional professionals who conducted themselves with integrity.”

He singled out Prince Saud as “an extraordinary figure - wise, respected, and trusted deeply by King Abdullah. The king would rely on his assessments and act accordingly.”

“We had a strong mutual respect,” he added. “His support was critical in rallying Arab momentum behind the Palestinian cause, Arab League reform, and the League’s renewed dynamism. He defended our positions - including when I led Arab reconciliation efforts in Beirut. European diplomats would tell me how Prince Saud described me as a unified Arab voice. He stood by me at the UN and attended regional summits - from Latin America to the Arab world - whenever I called on him.”

Moussa also praised Zebari, Iraq’s former foreign minister, calling him “a Kurdish minister who often sounded more Arab than many Arabs.”

“He clearly articulated Arab interests and was always ready to step in diplomatically to defuse tensions - whether between ministers or between ministers and the secretary-general. He was a thoroughly positive presence,” Moussa said.

He also acknowledged the contributions of Tunisia's Habib Ben Yahia, Kuwait's Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, Qatar's Hamad bin Jassim Al Thani, Oman's Yusuf bin Alawi, and Jordan's Nasser Judeh and Ayman Safadi, noting their professionalism and dedication to Arab unity.

Moussa recalls working with dozens of Arab foreign ministers over the years, singling out those who left a lasting impression. Among them was Tunisia’s Habib Ben Yahia, who also served as defense minister. “A well-balanced figure and a strong advocate for the Arab position,” Moussa said.

But one man, he noted, stood apart: Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah, Kuwait’s former foreign minister and prime minister, who later became Emir. “He had a unique ability to read the room. Before tensions escalated, he would call for consultations or suspend a meeting, preventing crises before they erupted. Without his timely interventions, some meetings would have ended in chaos,” Moussa said. “His leadership as Emir was undeniably impactful.”

Another key figure was Qatar’s Hamad bin Jassim Al Thani. “You could write pages about his intelligence and agility,” said Moussa. “He knew how to secure gains for Qatar, but also understood when to share benefits to avoid backlash. He was very smart.”

Moussa said he and Hamad maintained a candid relationship. “He would say openly: I’ll support this, but not that. There was honesty, not empty talk. Saud Al Faisal appreciated dealing with him as well. The three of us - me, Saud, and Hamad - spoke frankly.”

From Oman, Yousuf bin Alawi stood out for his quiet but disruptive style. “He would remain silent during discussions, then intervene at the end to overturn consensus if he didn’t agree. I could often predict when he’d shut something down,” said Moussa. “We were aware of his capabilities.”

On Jordan, Moussa said the kingdom produced several sharp, effective foreign ministers. “Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib was one of the good ones, followed by Nasser Judeh. The current minister, Ayman Safadi, is excellent - clear, reliable, and valuable in Arab diplomacy.”

The Arab Peace Initiative

Asked whether it was difficult to pass the Arab Peace Initiative at the 2002 Beirut Summit, Moussa replied, “Not at all. King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia backed it. It was hard to reject anything he supported.”

He recalled how Libya’s then-foreign minister, Ali Treki, was instructed to oppose the initiative. “But King Abdullah summoned him and said: There is no objection. Treki responded: Understood. He was a clever man. Rather than oppose it outright, we allowed it to pass unanimously, then expressed our reservations separately. That’s how diplomacy works.”

On Global Diplomacy

Moussa also reflected on his ties with international counterparts. “I had many friends. Hubert Védrine of France comes to mind immediately. We worked together often. James Baker had stature and presence, though I could criticize him too. Britain’s Jack Straw was important.

Germany’s Green Party foreign minister also played a key role. Some had real weight and strong political theories.”

Of Russia’s long-serving foreign minister, Moussa said: “I’ve known Sergei Lavrov for years, and he remains approachable. He is perhaps less reserved than many of his Western counterparts, warm and skilled at building relationships. He is among the world’s most important foreign ministers.”

He also spoke about his interactions with Henry Kissinger.

“We spoke often, especially about the Palestinian issue. In his later years, he was still listening, processing thoughts, even if less involved in the Middle East. He would hear perspectives from Egyptians and others critical of Israel’s conduct and America’s unconditional support. He understood that, though he wasn’t deeply engaged in his final 10 to 15 years.”

From Literature to Music: A Personal Side

Moussa reflected on the books and music that shaped him. “As a boy, I loved reading. A Tale of Two Cities taught us about life and language. Teachers were cultured and aimed to raise our standards. I also read How to Stop Worrying and Start Living, a translated self-help book. I came to believe worry is actually a useful habit. If you don’t worry, you’ll stumble.”

Asked about poetry, Moussa didn’t hesitate. “Al-Mutanabbi, of course. I still read his work. Also Ahmed Shawqi, and to a lesser extent Nizar Qabbani. Al-Mutanabbi was always relevant. Former Libyan foreign minister Abdel Rahman Shalgham never traveled without his Diwan (collection). When he was troubled, he’d read aloud from it. And Jean Obeid from Lebanon was deeply versed in Arabic literature—we had long, enriching conversations. It was a joy to listen to or recite Al-Mutanabbi.”

Moussa also shared his enduring love for classic Arabic music. “I adored Mohamed Abdel Wahab’s songs from an early age, especially his historical, non-commercial works. Magnificent. I also listen to Umm Kulthum, Fairuz, and folk legends like Sabah Fakhri. That’s real Arab artistry, music with meaning. Abdel Wahab and Umm Kulthum excelled at that, while Qabbani specialized in love. But when it came to national pride, faith, philosophy, and memory, those two giants delivered.”

On Egypt, the Presidency, and Regret

Does he hold any grudges against Egypt? “Not at all. My disappointment is for Egypt, not with it. The country could have been in a vastly different place, if not for 70 years without good governance.”

Did losing the 2012 presidential election leave a scar? “Not in the slightest,” Moussa said. “In fact, I may have thanked God. Before the vote, I realized the Muslim Brotherhood would win, but withdrawing wasn’t an option. When I lost, I held a press conference attended by 100 foreign journalists. Imagine how many would’ve come had I won. I congratulated the victors and called for democracy to prevail.”

He contrasted his response with that of other candidates. “Some went to Tahrir Square and claimed the results were false. That was not my approach. I offered my best wishes and hoped democracy would guide Egypt forward. I hold no bitterness, at least none that I can recall.”



NATO Tests War Preparedness on Eastern Flank Facing Russia

France's Army personnel from the combat engineering corps maneuver a motorized floating bridge (PFM) across the Mures River during the "Dacian Fall" military exercise in Santimbru on November 3, 2025. (AFP)
France's Army personnel from the combat engineering corps maneuver a motorized floating bridge (PFM) across the Mures River during the "Dacian Fall" military exercise in Santimbru on November 3, 2025. (AFP)
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NATO Tests War Preparedness on Eastern Flank Facing Russia

France's Army personnel from the combat engineering corps maneuver a motorized floating bridge (PFM) across the Mures River during the "Dacian Fall" military exercise in Santimbru on November 3, 2025. (AFP)
France's Army personnel from the combat engineering corps maneuver a motorized floating bridge (PFM) across the Mures River during the "Dacian Fall" military exercise in Santimbru on November 3, 2025. (AFP)

On the Mures river in central Romania, French armored vehicles and Romanian trucks board a motorized floating bridge, part of a large military exercise to showcase NATO's ability to rapidly increase force levels on its eastern flank facing Russia.

The drill -- planned for months and seen as an "integration exercise" for NATO members -- comes after Washington last week said it would pull some troops out from the area.

Romania, which shares some 650 kilometers (400 miles) of border with Ukraine, has gained in strategic importance since Russia invaded its neighbor in 2022.

In the Dacian Fall exercise from October 20 to November 13, French-led troops from Belgium, France, Luxembourg and Spain are engaged in maneuvers and live-fire artillery and tank drills, together with Romanian soldiers.

Since Moscow's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Paris has deployed nearly 1,500 soldiers in Romania and doubled them for the exercise. In case of a crisis, this can be increased to 5,000 troops.

"We must demonstrate our ability to integrate into a NATO division," said French General Maxime Do Tran, commander of the 7th Armored Brigade deployed for Dacian Fall.

The exercise, conducted across Romania, follows "NATO's real defense plans" and serves to signal the alliance's "strategic solidarity", he added.

While French army engineers skillfully dock the massive motorized barge on the banks of the Mures during one exercise, 200 meters (220 yards) away, Romanian engineers speedily put up a pontoon.

The French and Romanian teams will then switch roles.

"In Europe, there's a watercourse every 20 to 30 kilometers; crossing is a complex skill that had somewhat been lost," said Colonel Jerome Paris, head of the French engineering detachment.

About 60 kilometers to the north, amid sun-scorched grassy hills, Romanian General Dorin Toma, who commands NATO troops in Romania and Bulgaria, observes French engineers destroying obstacles identified by small quadcopter drones.

"It's an integration exercise," he said, adding that at the end of a two-year cycle to integrate forces "we're in a very good position".

The challenge is to maintain the level as "people are changing, weapons systems are changing".

"We need to keep the pace," he said.

On Washington's announcement that it would pull some troops out from NATO's eastern flank, General Toma said that from "a military standpoint, it changes nothing" given how the United States showed in 2022 that they were ready to deploy significant resources to the country at short notice.

Washington has denied its announcement amounted to a US withdrawal from Europe.

Romania's defense ministry said last week that 900-1,000 US soldiers would remain, down from the about 1,700 currently deployed.

Transporting equipment to Romania was a complex logistical operation that faced administrative hurdles.

For each country crossed, every license plate must be specified in documentation along with the names of personnel in the convoy, which has to be escorted by local police.

The French military prohibits, with some exceptions, the publication of surnames of its staff.

"Mobility corridors" with clearly identified routes and streamlined administrative procedures are a solution.

The Netherlands, Germany, and Poland are setting up one from North Sea ports to the Belarusian border.

"Harmonization is underway, but it takes time," Lieutenant Colonel Alexis said.


Gaza’s Psychological Trauma Brings Large Numbers to Seek Help

 Palestinian children watch a cartoon movie during an activity held by the Palestinian Red Crescent Society, aimed at easing the psychological stress caused by the war, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, October 28, 2025. (Reuters)
Palestinian children watch a cartoon movie during an activity held by the Palestinian Red Crescent Society, aimed at easing the psychological stress caused by the war, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, October 28, 2025. (Reuters)
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Gaza’s Psychological Trauma Brings Large Numbers to Seek Help

 Palestinian children watch a cartoon movie during an activity held by the Palestinian Red Crescent Society, aimed at easing the psychological stress caused by the war, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, October 28, 2025. (Reuters)
Palestinian children watch a cartoon movie during an activity held by the Palestinian Red Crescent Society, aimed at easing the psychological stress caused by the war, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, October 28, 2025. (Reuters)

Gaza residents are suffering "a volcano" of psychological trauma from Israel's devastating military campaign that has become clear since last month's truce, according to Palestinian mental health specialists.

Two years of intense Israeli bombardment and repeated military incursions that local health authorities say have killed more than 68,000 people, along with widespread homelessness and hunger, have affected all of Gaza's 2.3 million inhabitants.

The crisis is evident in the large numbers now seeking treatment from the Gaza City Mental Health Hospital team, now working out of a nearby clinic because their building is damaged, said its head Abdallah al-Jamal.

"With the start of the truce, it was like a volcano erupting in patients seeking mental health services. Even the stigma that used to be present before, the fear of visiting a psychologist, does not exist anymore," he said, describing "a very large increase" in numbers from before the conflict.

Jamal and a colleague are working as best they can, but with the hospital having suffered significant damage their resources are limited and they have to share a room, depriving their patients of consultations in privacy.

"That is honestly insulting in the way services are provided, but we are trying as much as possible to find alternatives," he said of the more than 100 patients they see there every day.

Among children, there are widespread reports of night terrors, bed-wetting and other symptoms including an inability to focus, say mental health specialists for the Palestinian Red Crescent Society.

"Gazan children are now suffering from shortages of food, water, shelter, and clothing," said Nivine Abdelhadi, a specialist from the organization, which is offering activities for children that include games and stories.

The ceasefire came into effect on October 10, although there have been repeated outbreaks of violence since then. It brought a halt to major warfare in the conflict, which was triggered by the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7, 2023 that killed around 1,200 people according to Israeli tallies.


A Rosy Life on Social Media Masks Gaza’s Bleak Reality

A Palestinian boy pushes a cart loaded with water containers in a displacement camp in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza, on Saturday (AP Photo)
A Palestinian boy pushes a cart loaded with water containers in a displacement camp in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza, on Saturday (AP Photo)
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A Rosy Life on Social Media Masks Gaza’s Bleak Reality

A Palestinian boy pushes a cart loaded with water containers in a displacement camp in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza, on Saturday (AP Photo)
A Palestinian boy pushes a cart loaded with water containers in a displacement camp in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza, on Saturday (AP Photo)

Anyone scrolling through social media and seeing the posts of some Gaza residents, including activists, influencers, and shop owners, might think the enclave had not endured a devastating two-year war whose effects still weigh heavily on every aspect of life and worsen by the day.

Images showing a handful of shops reopening after partial repairs, shared by influencers and users on various platforms, have been picked up by some Israeli media outlets portraying Gaza as if it had turned into a paradise.

Yet destruction remains widespread, thousands of victims are still buried under the rubble, and more than 1.5 million people continue to live in tents and shelters, exposed to winter’s cold or the current heat, while sporadic violations persist and more than 200 Palestinians have been killed in the past two weeks alone.

No Oversight or Accountability

Mariam Hamdan, 31, from Gaza City’s al-Nasr neighborhood, said that since the ceasefire took effect on October 10, she has heard about goods entering the enclave, but has seen little improvement in daily life.

Hamdan said she is often shocked by what she sees online, videos painting life in Gaza as “comfortable,” while prices remain exorbitant.

“The goods that do come in are unaffordable. Shop owners and influencers advertising products sell them at prices only someone in Europe could afford,” she told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“We had hoped prices would return close to what they were before the war, or at least to levels seen during the first truce in January,” she said. “Instead, traders are waging their own war on us by draining our pockets with sky-high prices.”

Workers Without Options

Naaman al-Shanti, 53, an employee of the Palestinian Authority, said he has been unable to buy frozen chicken or meat for his family of nine since the ceasefire began. “We were all longing for it, but the prices are beyond reach,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

In fact, most Gazans cannot afford frozen goods even though some have reappeared in markets. A kilogram of frozen meat now costs at least 75 shekels (over $23) and sometimes as much as 120 shekels (over $36), compared with just 6 to 8 shekels ($1 to $2) before the war.

“We don’t know what to do anymore,” al-Shanti said angrily. “Life is unbearable. Then you see people posting videos as if we’re living in heaven, not in devastated, miserable Gaza, where most public employees can’t even feed their children.”

Hamas Under Fire

While Hamas-run authorities have largely remained silent, their teams have been seen in markets attempting to keep order. Activists, however, accuse the group of failing to take serious action to address the enclave’s worsening economic hardship, with some blaming it for corruption and a lack of effective governance.

In recent days, reports have emerged of aid theft, including flour, tents, and tarps, from shipments entering Gaza through the Philadelphi corridor along the coastal Rashid Street.

A prominent Gaza activist, speaking on condition of anonymity for security reasons, told Asharq Al-Awsat: “During the war, the occupation and its collaborators exploited people by stealing aid and selling it on the black market.

Now that the war is over, we still see no serious effort to stop the exploitation of citizens’ daily needs. Goods like poultry and cooking gas are entering, but fairness in pricing and distribution is absent.”

He added: “People believed that once the fighting stopped, Hamas’s government would restore order, control prices, and curb exploitation. But the outcome is a big zero, as if we’re still at war.”

Hamas has often said its civil servants are targeted by Israel and face constant threats of assassination, a claim long echoed by field sources. But many residents and activists now dismiss that justification.

In a WhatsApp group of local journalists, one correspondent for a Palestinian TV channel wrote: “If those governing Gaza blamed the bombing and war for their failures, where are they now when it comes to easing citizens’ suffering and protecting them from this cruel exploitation? People who endured and sacrificed for a decision not of their own making are now being rewarded with greed and corruption.”

Another journalist added: “Everyone blames the Economy Ministry. What economy are they talking about, one that collects taxes but ignores citizens’ pain? The least that can be said about this behavior is that it betrays people’s sacrifices and resilience.”

Accusations of Taxing Traders

Accusations are also mounting that Hamas has resumed taxing traders.

Merchant Jamal Abd Rabbo told Asharq Al-Awsat that he buys frozen goods from major suppliers at steep prices and has to sell them slightly higher to make a small profit. He said top wholesalers told him the Hamas-run Economy Ministry imposes taxes on them, forcing prices up.

He added that high demand for poultry from restaurants and shawarma shops has further driven up prices.

The Hamas government has not publicly responded to the accusations.

However, government sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that authorities are preparing measures to curb the crisis, including shutting down restaurants and shawarma stands from Sunday to reserve frozen goods for households and deploying security forces to protect aid convoys along their routes.

Meanwhile, the Hamas-run Petroleum Authority has been accused of mishandling gas distribution, with activists claiming some supplies were diverted to restaurants.

A source familiar with the matter told Asharq Al-Awsat that certain station owners received extra allocations as compensation for transport costs, which they then sold on the black market.

Commenting on the situation, Gaza resident Rami Shahadeh said: “We thought the war ended to bring relief. Instead, it seems it ended so Hamas could resume collecting taxes. We lived an illusion, thinking things would get better, but our endurance has only made us hostages to those exploiting us.”