Exclusive: Hamas’s Bardawil Says Military Ties with 'Hezbollah' is Undeniable

Salah Bardawil, Asharq Al-Awsat
Salah Bardawil, Asharq Al-Awsat

Exclusive: Hamas’s Bardawil Says Military Ties with 'Hezbollah' is Undeniable

Salah Bardawil, Asharq Al-Awsat
Salah Bardawil, Asharq Al-Awsat

Hamas’ political wing official Salah al-Bardawil renewed his party’s pledge to not go forward with forming a unilateral government should the party win over a dashing majority in the upcoming Legislative Council elections.

“I want to reassure everyone—despite currently securing 60 percent of the council’s seats, and have the right to form a government and do what we want-- we do not want to bring the Palestinian people into a new wave of inhumane pressure,” said Bardawil in an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat.

Bardawil is also a Hamas member at the Palestinian Legislative Council.

“We are now ready to activate the Legislative Council on the basis of consensus and not majority.”

“Decision-making is bound to the mechanism of consensus and cannot advance in its absence. We are working on the basis of no winner or loser.”

On the other hand, he mentioned that Hamas remains committed to redrafting its program and reshape its movement.

Commenting on the recent Fatah-Hamas reconciliation agreement, Bardawil says that even though he partook in the Cairo-sponsored talks and is willing to share in government with the Ramallah-based party, he still disagrees with the Palestine Liberation Organization.

He accused the PLO of “losing 78 percent of Palestinian lands”.

In the exclusive, Bardawil admitted to Hamas’ arms-link with the Lebanon-based Hezbollah group.

Even though Bardawil made a stark statement on the Hamas-Hezbollah military collaboration, he refused to give any further details.

However, Bardawil cited a disagreement between the two concerning Syria.

“Regardless of the nature of the military secrets, but we differed at a moment regarding the Syrian issue.”

“Hezbollah and Iran were angry, even though we only meant for them to stay out of the muddled situation in Syria and not interfere-- we offered this as a recommendation.”

“Nevertheless, we do not deny that cooperation exists between "Hezbollah" and "Hamas."

Hamas has long slashed all attempts at disarming its military wing, and continues to do so in the post-reconciliation talks.

“In 2006, we agreed that there should be a national partnership in deciding on peace and war, in the sense that we affirm that the resistance is the right of the Palestinian people, but this resistance is not carried out unilaterally by a faction,” Bardawil noted.

“Rather, we emphasize on rationalizing the resistance and subjecting it to a comprehensive national decision,” he explained.

Bardawil said that the political process among Palestinians should be an all-inclusive one.

“Abu Mazen (Palestinian National Authority President Mahmoud Abbas) is not allowed to unilaterally negotiate with the occupation (Israel),” Bardawil commented.

He went on accusing Abbas of pursuing full control over the Palestinian decision-making process whether it be on negotiating with Israel or the choice of resorting to war.

“This is unacceptable,” Bardawil argued.

“Consequently, it is difficult to subject the resistance’s arms power to a collective decision, unless the Palestinian president fully adheres to a true partnership on the decision of war and peace.”

“This is what we believe.”

Fakhri Karim: I Conveyed Talabani’s Advice to Assad on Terrorists

Fakhri Karim (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Fakhri Karim: I Conveyed Talabani’s Advice to Assad on Terrorists

Fakhri Karim (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim (Asharq Al-Awsat)

The late Iraqi President, Jalal Talabani, excelled at delivering messages subtly. In private meetings, he spoke more freely than in public statements or interviews. His chief advisor, Fakhri Karim, often joined these discussions.

Luncheons were lavish, showing Talabani's respect for different opinions, though he rarely followed doctors’ advice.

Talabani believed that Iranian leaders were smart and hoped they wouldn’t try to control Baghdad from Tehran, citing the failed attempt to manage Beirut from Damascus.

He noted that Iraq’s independent spirit makes it hard for the country to follow the US, Iran, or Türkiye. Talabani also admitted giving refuge to 80 Iraqi officers who had fought against Iran, after they were targeted by certain groups.

Talabani praised Syria’s late President Hafez al-Assad for his invaluable support, providing accommodation and passports.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim revealed he had warned President Bashar al-Assad, on behalf of Talabani, that militants allowed into Iraq to fight US forces might later turn against Syria.

This, Karim noted, did happen.

After the Israeli invasion of Beirut in 1982, Karim relocated to Damascus. There, he expanded his Al-Mada organization, focusing on publishing, translation, and organizing book fairs, alongside his political activities.

This allowed him to build relationships with top civilian and military officials.

In 2000, after Bashar al-Assad came to power, he met with Karim.

“I felt Assad was eager to listen, especially given my connections with many intellectuals,” recalled Karim.

“I told him dissenting voices exist but are mostly positive. You talk about modernization and renewal; this is a chance for some openness, even in elections,” Karim said he told Assad.

“Do you think anyone could really compete with you, given your position as the Baath Party's leader with all its resources?” Karim questioned.

Karim then discussed the situation of Syrian Kurds with Assad, noting that many lack identification papers, even basic travel documents. He also mentioned seeing historic Kurdish areas in the Khabur region with their names changed to Arabic, which causes sensitivities.

“I am not satisfied with this situation. Rest assured, this issue is on my agenda, and you will hear positive news about it,” Karim cited Assad as saying at the time.

In a later meeting, after the change in Iraq, Karim met Assad several times.

On one occasion, Karim recalls conveying Talabani’s greetings and concerns about armed fighters moving into Iraq and the dangers this posed to both Iraq and possibly Syria.

“We have deployed large forces to secure the borders, but what can we do? There are tribes and smugglers,” Assad complained about the situation.

“I told President Assad that as Fakhri Karim, I couldn’t share with the Americans what I know. I assured him that terrorists enter Iraq from a specific location I’m familiar with, not from all borders,” Karim recounted to Asharq Al-Awsat.

“I also noted that Syria tightly controls its airspace, shooting down any foreign aircraft,” he added.

Assad then responded to Karim and said: “We’re prepared, let us know what we can do.”

In reality, Damascus was worried because there were reports suggesting that Syria’s Baath regime could be the next target for the US army at its borders. Additionally, Damascus was concerned about the sectarian divisions—Shiite, Sunni, and Kurdish—in dealing with Iraq and the potential impact on Syria.

Repairing Kurdish Relations

Karim has spent years working on repairing the relationship between Kurdish leaders Talabani and Masoud Barzani.

This history began with the split that gave rise to the ‘Patriotic Union of Kurdistan’ from the ‘Kurdistan Democratic Party.’

Despite bloody conflicts and external meddling, Karim believes Kurdish leaders unify in the face of danger to their people and region, a pattern he expects to continue.

Karim believes that the Kurdish leadership, symbolized by Masoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani, made a big mistake at the beginning by focusing only on regional issues, ignoring Baghdad’s affairs.

He thinks they should have aimed for a federal democratic system that respects citizenship rights.

Karim pointed out that without a unified Iraq, the region’s rights would be uncertain. He also criticized the Shiite-Kurdish alliance, which he sees as odd.

Additionally, he mentioned mistakes in failing to unify regional institutions and increasing corruption, with party interests often trumping competence in appointments.

Asked about the personal bond between Talabani and Barzani, Karim said: “Both have moved past their tough history, but they haven’t done enough for the future.”

“I want to highlight an act by Barzani that shows his character. When Talabani was sick, Barzani made it clear to anyone thinking of harming Talabani or his family that there would be consequences,” he revealed.

“This isn’t hearsay, it’s firsthand,” affirmed Karim.

“Barzani also refused to discuss the presidency or a successor during Talabani’s illness. I personally organized a gathering for Talabani’s family, where Barzani reassured them, ‘I’m here for you, I’m family.’ His words moved everyone, showing a strong emotional connection,” he added.

When asked about Barzani’s character, Karim said: “He's been a long-time friend, and our relationship has been politically aligned and personally warm from the start.”

“I see him as a loyal friend, and he's shown that loyalty on multiple occasions. He’s smart, decisive, and listens carefully, often changing his mind after thorough consideration,” he noted.

“Once Barzani commits to something, he finds it hard to go back on his word. There was a moment during negotiations with Saddam Hussein when he stood firm despite my advice to reconsider,” recalled Karim.

Regarding the aftermath of the independence referendum, Karim believes that the negative turn in the political landscape began during Nouri al-Maliki’s tenure.

Al-Maliki’s attempts to shift alliances and his refusal to compromise exacerbated tensions.

The referendum itself wasn’t the problem; rather, it was exploited by some to punish the Kurdistan Region.

However, Karim emphasized that holding referendums is a citizen’s right, and the purpose of the Kurdistan referendum was to affirm this right, not to declare independence.