Asharq Al-Awsat Exclusive: Benghazi Minesweeping

Landmines gathered by Libyan army forces. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Landmines gathered by Libyan army forces. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Asharq Al-Awsat Exclusive: Benghazi Minesweeping

Landmines gathered by Libyan army forces. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Landmines gathered by Libyan army forces. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

One of the most dangerous operations carried out by the Libyan National Army, despite its lack of proper equipment, is the dismantling of thousands of bomb-laced traps left behind by extremist organizations in sites near the outskirts of Benghazi.

Battle ruins, empty shells and bullet holes piercing through streets, parks, and children's playgrounds are what the war with extremist militias has left behind.

Transforming the scene from a civilian city to a life or death gamble, militias planted explosive webs that blow up soon as a door handle is turned or a light switch is flicked.

Explosives that have been camouflaged to blend in their surroundings have put the lives of civilians at risk.

Some camouflaged land mines detonate with massive effects equal to those caused by large-scale airstrikes.

Asharq Al-Awsat continued its series of reports on Libya by delving to the details of a large operation aimed at driving out remaining terror pockets in Benghazi.

Just like a merchant counting his merchandise, an army officer kneeled counting over a batch of removed explosives –some of which have been defused, others not.

“Step away. We do not want you causing us a disaster here,” he warned as some of the devices still had their fuses intact and ready to explode.

He said that some of them were powerful enough to collapse entire buildings.

Landmines played a great role in slowing down the advances of the Libyan army and in delaying the liberation of Benghazi’s sea port and many other public premises.

The military priority is to breach the minefield quickly in order to create a safe path for troops or ships.

Speed is vital, both for tactical reasons and because units attempting to breach the minefield may come under enemy fire. Both anti-personnel and anti-tank mines must be removed, although only in the lanes through which troops or vehicles are planning to advance.

ISIS leftovers reveal that the group was an expert in producing traditional camouflage bombs that can be easily planted anywhere.

Bar-shaped fuses will dispatch an electric signal upon being touched to explosive containers set up some three to five meters away.

Bar landmines come in different colors so they completely blend into any surrounding, some are brown to be hidden over dirt areas, some are black to match street asphalt.

“The militants did not even shy away from booby-trapping public rest rooms,” the officer added.

In the event of spotting the bar fuse, a tracing process is needed to find the matching explosive container, explained the officer. The opposite is also valid—in case the container is found first, its installed fuse must be found.

In at least three terror pockets, instruction papers and sketches on bomb-making methods were found. Some were taken from online websites, others written by hand.

Explosive vehicles and landmines were prepared by ISIS militants for ambushes found in almost every area that the army has been able to capture.

The terror group employed a wide range of conventional and non-conventional devices, in some instances booby trapping a mobile phone.

At least five families were trying to return to their homes in Benghazi, but soon enough they drove their cars away after realizing the danger that still lurked in their city.

"Most of bomb squad engineers have been killed trying to neutralize these landmines across Benghazi," said an army official, who was accompanying Asharq Al-Awsat.

"The army does not have equipment for detecting all sorts of mines, some of which were built in a very primitive and dangerous way.”

“You need training and special equipment. Army squads are working with bare hands and we lost about 80 percent of the personnel involved in demining efforts. But we trained new groups and we brought in new officers to complete the mission," he added.

The main methods used for humanitarian demining on land are: manual detection using metal detectors and prodders, detection by specially trained dogs and mechanical clearance using armored vehicles fitted with flails, tillers or similar devices.



Harris Tries to Thread the Needle on Gaza After Meeting with Netanyahu 

US Vice President Kamala Harris meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House grounds, in Washington, DC, US, July 25, 2024. (Reuters)
US Vice President Kamala Harris meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House grounds, in Washington, DC, US, July 25, 2024. (Reuters)
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Harris Tries to Thread the Needle on Gaza After Meeting with Netanyahu 

US Vice President Kamala Harris meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House grounds, in Washington, DC, US, July 25, 2024. (Reuters)
US Vice President Kamala Harris meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House grounds, in Washington, DC, US, July 25, 2024. (Reuters)

Vice President Kamala Harris, the likely Democratic nominee for president, is attempting to bridge divides within the party over the war in Gaza, emphasizing Israel's right to defend itself while also focusing on alleviating Palestinian suffering.

She delivered remarks after meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday that reflected a delicate balancing act on one of the country's most divisive political issues. Some Democrats have been critical of President Joe Biden's steadfast support for Israel despite the increasing death toll among Palestinians, and Harris is trying to unite her party for the election battle with Republican candidate Donald Trump.

"We cannot look away in the face of these tragedies," she said. "We cannot allow ourselves to become numb to the suffering. And I will not be silent."

Harris did not deviate from the administration's approach to the conflict, including grueling negotiations aimed at ending the fighting, releasing hostages held by Hamas and eventually rebuilding Gaza. She also said nothing about military assistance for Israel, which some Democrats want to cut.

Instead, she tried to refocus the conversation around mitigating the calamity in Gaza, and she used language intended to nudge Americans toward an elusive middle ground.

"The war in Gaza is not a binary issue," she said. "But too often, the conversation is binary when the reality is anything but."

In addition, Harris made a more explicit appeal to voters who have been frustrated by the ceaseless bloodshed, which began when Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7.

"To everyone who has been calling for a ceasefire, and to everyone who yearns for peace, I see you, and I hear you," she said.

Harris' meeting with Netanyahu was private, and she described it as "frank and constructive." She also emphasized her longtime support for Israel, which includes raising money to plant trees in the country when she was a young girl.

Jewish Americans traditionally lean Democratic, but Republicans have tried to make inroads. Trump claimed this week that Harris "is totally against the Jewish people" because she didn't attend Netanyahu's address to a joint meeting of Congress. The vice president was traveling in Indiana during the speech.

Harris is married to a Jewish man, Doug Emhoff, who has played an outspoken role in the administration's efforts to combat antisemitism.

Netanyahu did not speak publicly after his meeting with Harris. His trip was scheduled before Biden dropped his reelection bid, but the meeting with Harris was watched closely for clues to her views on Israel.

"She is in a tricky situation and walking a tightrope where she’s still the vice president and the president really is the one who leads on the foreign policy agenda," said Dearborn Mayor Abdullah Hammoud, a Democrat whose city is home to one of the largest Arab American communities in the nation. "But as the candidate, the presumptive nominee, she has to now create the space to differentiate in order for her to chart a new course."

Protesters gathered outside Union Station on the day of Netanyahu's speech, ripping down American flags and spray painting "Hamas is coming."

Harris sharply criticized those actions, saying there were "despicable acts by unpatriotic protesters and dangerous hate-fueled rhetoric. "

"I support the right to peacefully protest, but let’s be clear: Antisemitism, hate and violence of any kind have no place in our nation," she said in a statement.

As vice president, Harris has tried to show little daylight between herself and Biden. But David Rothkopf, a foreign policy writer who has met with her, said there's been "a noticeable difference in tone, particularly in regards to concern for the plight of innocent Palestinians."

The difference was on display in Selma, Alabama, in March, when Harris commemorated the anniversary of the Bloody Sunday march for voting rights in 1965.

During her speech, Harris said that "given the immense scale of suffering in Gaza, there must be an immediate ceasefire."

The audience broke out in applause. A few sentences later, Harris emphasized that it was up to Hamas to accept the deal that had been offered. But her demand for a ceasefire still resonated in ways that Biden's comments had not.

An AP-NORC poll conducted in June found that about 6 in 10 Democrats disapproved of the way Biden is handling the conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians. Roughly the same number said Israel's military response in Gaza had gone too far.

Israeli analysts said they doubted that Harris would present a dramatic shift in policies toward their country.

Chuck Freilich, a former Israeli deputy national security adviser and senior fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies, a Tel Aviv think tank, said Harris was from a generation of American politicians who felt they could both support Israel and publicly criticize its policies.

"The question is as president, what would she do?" Freilich said. "I think she would put considerably more pressure on Israel on the Palestinian issue overall."