Encountering Robots While Still Using Fax Machines in Japan

Motoko Rich, The New York Times’s Tokyo bureau chief, with Pepper, a robot made by SoftBank, the Japanese conglomerate. Credit Jeremie Souteyrat for The New York Times
Motoko Rich, The New York Times’s Tokyo bureau chief, with Pepper, a robot made by SoftBank, the Japanese conglomerate. Credit Jeremie Souteyrat for The New York Times
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Encountering Robots While Still Using Fax Machines in Japan

Motoko Rich, The New York Times’s Tokyo bureau chief, with Pepper, a robot made by SoftBank, the Japanese conglomerate. Credit Jeremie Souteyrat for The New York Times
Motoko Rich, The New York Times’s Tokyo bureau chief, with Pepper, a robot made by SoftBank, the Japanese conglomerate. Credit Jeremie Souteyrat for The New York Times

How do New York Times journalists use technology in their jobs and in their personal lives? Motoko Rich, The Times’s Tokyo bureau chief, discussed the tech she's using.

What kind of tech tools do you use to cover news in Japan?

Probably the most important piece of hardware I regularly use — aside from my laptop and cellphone — is a backup battery to recharge my phone and power my laptop on the road.

North Korean missile tests have disproportionately occurred while I have been out of the office reporting on another story or attending a school event for my children, or over the weekend. So if I have to set up on the side of a soccer field or on a bus, I just plug my phone and laptop into a Mophie Powerstation XXL, a battery the size of a mass-market paperback (although considerably heavier).

I also have a much smaller battery that I can use to juice up my phone when it starts to die from too much live tweeting, but the XXL comes in handy if I actually have to report and write a whole story away from the office or my home or a hotel room. In such a situation, I will use either a portable Wi-Fi or the personal hotspot on my cellphone to get online.

Twitter is very popular in Japan, so if we want to get a sense of the mood about a particular breaking news story — much as we do in the United States — my researchers will scan Twitter or Facebook to get a sense of how people are reacting to news. Occasionally a tweet can be the seed of a feature story.

Earthquake apps like QuakeFeed are also helpful in quake-prone Japan, not to mention as early indicators of nuclear tests in North Korea.

Since I make a lot of calls to analysts and government officials in the United States either very early in the morning or late at night (Tokyo is 13 hours ahead of New York and Washington), I try to use WhatsApp or Skype to call people abroad since my Japanese cell plan charges extra for overseas calls. My small beef with the academics who specialize in Japan and the Korean Peninsula is that so many of them seem incapable or unwilling to use internet-based calling apps.

What interesting tech trends do you see emerging in Japan that haven't yet reached the United States?

Robots! I frequently run into a version of Pepper, a child-size cartoonish robot made by SoftBank, the Japanese conglomerate. Its founder, Masayoshi Son, has recently talked about the coming “Singularity,” in which artificial intelligence outstrips humans. I encountered an android tourist greeter at a mall, and television news programs frequently feature some new application of robotic technology, from restaurant servers to nursing home caregivers.

For personal texting, Line, a communications app that started after the 2011 earthquake and tsunami, is extremely popular. So I communicate with friends, my staff and even the woman who cuts my hair using Line. Part of the reason it's so popular here is its wide variety of emoticons and digital stickers.

How do you use tech differently in Japan than you did in the United States?

The weird thing about Japan is that although it seems technologically advanced, it is still behind the times in many ways. As The Times has written before, the fax machine is still a cherished piece of technology in Japan. Many sources demand that we send requests for interviews and sample questions via fax and will simply not accept an email. I can’t remember the last time I sent or received a fax in the United States.

My 11-year-old son has a small “keitai,” or kids’ cellphone, that is programmed so he can only call or receive calls from me, my husband or his sister. By the time we left Brooklyn in 2016, it seemed like most kids his age either didn't have a phone at all, or had a smartphone. A lot of Japanese children, as young as age 6, have such keitais, which enable them to independently travel on subways and walk to and from school on their own while still being reachable. We often run into very small children on their own on the subway platform, the small phones dangling from their backpacks.

Mobile payment systems have been slow to gain traction in America. How about in Japan?

Unlike China, where people pay for almost everything with smartphones, Japan is resolutely a cash-based society. There are many restaurants that will not accept credit cards, much less mobile payments.

Japan has a prepaid card, known as Suica, that is mostly used to pay for train fares but can also be used to pay for items from vending machines or convenience stores as well as taxi rides. Mobile payments via Suica have been available on mobile phones in Japan since 2006. Although these systems have been around for years, this technology hasn’t spread to popular devices like the iPhone until recently.

Beyond your job, what tech product are you currently obsessed with using in your daily life?

FaceTime, Skype and WhatsApp are lifelines for staying in touch with friends and family back home. My 13-year-old daughter regularly talks to her best friends in Brooklyn and in England on FaceTime, and the other day I Skyped into a meeting of my Brooklyn book group.

I really only began posting regularly to Instagram once I moved to Japan, because I want everyone at home to be able to see what I’m seeing every day, here and in South Korea, where I travel regularly to report. Japan and Korea are visually sumptuous places, and, yes, I am one of those clichéd people who post photos of their lunches.

My daughter is obsessed with Snapchat and streaks, an activity whose point I have yet to grasp. But I have been surprised by the number of times she'll tell me that she has seen some news item on Instagram or Snapchat, an activity whose point I wholeheartedly endorse.

Not long after we moved here, we caved and bought AppleTV and subscribed to a VPN so that we could keep up with our favorite American TV shows and movies. Much as I think it is important to experience as much of the local culture as possible, I know that keeping on top of the popular culture from home is a way of staying connected to friends and family, too. Streaming, though, is often sluggish, and the screen will freeze in the middle of a show while we stare balefully at the loading spinner.

The robotics industry is important to Japan. Meanwhile, personal digital assistants like Siri and Google Assistant are trendy in the United States. Where do you think this is all taking us?

Unlike in the United States, where workers fear automation taking over their jobs, robotics are embraced here in Japan by the government, corporate sector and broader society. The government is anti-immigration, so one of its oft-cited solutions to a declining population and shrinking labor force is to rely increasingly on artificial intelligence.

Whether robots can actually accomplish all the tasks they are being promoted for is an open question. I wonder whether something as personal as nursing home care can really be outsourced to robots. As a parent, I would hate the thought that robots would be used in day care facilities, unless it was just for food preparation or cleanup.

(The New York Times)



Fakhri Karim: Nouri al-Maliki Saw Mosul as ‘Dagger in the Side’

Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: Nouri al-Maliki Saw Mosul as ‘Dagger in the Side’

Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Last February, Iraqi politician and publisher Fakhri Karim narrowly escaped an assassination attempt in Baghdad, sparking many questions about the motive behind the attack.

Some speculate Karim was targeted for his role as a senior advisor to the late President Jalal Talabani between 2006 and 2014. Others think it might have been due to his efforts in managing the relationship between Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani.

There is also speculation that the attack could have been a reaction to his newspaper, Al-Mada. Known for supporting the Iraqi uprising, Al-Mada has strongly campaigned against widespread assassinations and the uncontrolled spread of weapons.

The recent attempt on Karim's life recalls a similar incident in Lebanon in 1982. During the Israeli siege of Beirut, while the city was seeing off Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) fighters, Karim was injured in the face in an assassination attempt.

Karim had a close relationship with then PLO chairman Yasser Arafat, who supported thousands of communists escaping Saddam Hussein’s regime in Iraq.

Born in 1942 in Baghdad to a Shiite Kurdish family, Karim joined the Communist Party in 1959. His activism led to multiple imprisonments, escapes, and living under aliases, including Ali Abdul Khaliq.

Karim worked in the party’s media and was once the deputy head of the journalists’ syndicate.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim recounted a significant episode from 1970.

The Communist Party, through leader Makram Talabani, informed President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr about a coup plot orchestrated by outspoken Iraqi officer and politician Abdel Ghani al-Rawi, with support from Iran.

Al-Bakr appreciated the intelligence and reportedly said: “We will not forget this for the party.”

Karim also mentioned that al-Bakr had previously proposed that the Communist Party join the Baath Party in the coup that brought the Baathists back to power on July 17, 1968, but the party declined.

Karim disclosed that he personally received a call from US officials urging President Jalal Talabani not to run for a second term, labeling him as “Iran’s man.”

Karim then revealed that President Barack Obama was involved in a scheme to persuade Talabani to step down in favor of former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi. The aim was to keep Nouri al-Maliki as Prime Minister to appease Iran.

Karim admitted that supporting al-Maliki for the position of prime minister over Allawi, who had won the majority in parliament, was a blunder.

He stated that al-Maliki ignored Barzani’s warnings about extremist activity near Mosul that eventually culminated in ISIS’s capture of the city.

Before Mosul fell, al-Maliki reportedly said in front of President Talabani: “We need to cooperate and bring Mosul closer to the Kurdistan region because it is a hub for terrorists, nationalists, and Baathists, a dagger in our side.” Talabani reportedly found the comment inappropriate.

Karim spoke about missions assigned to him by Talabani in Tehran and Damascus, including meetings with Iranian Gen. Qasem Soleimani and Iraqi deputy commander of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, who were both killed in a US airstrike in early 2020.

He expressed concerns about the future of Iraq and Kurdistan amidst political instability.

Moreover, Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s exit from politics has emboldened minorities to challenge the constitution and institutions, according to Karim.

Some Iraqis now see the Federal Court as straying from its original role, comparing it to the Revolutionary Command Council.

Moment of decline for Iraq’s political process

Karim responded to comments by Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari to Asharq Al-Awsat previously, where Zebari stated that Talabani was prepared to support the no confidence of al-Maliki’s government, but he changed course after receiving a threatening message from Qassem Soleimani.

Karim noted that months into al-Maliki’s second term, he started to act independently, even from Shiite factions. This trend worried the highest religious authority in the country.

A meeting in Erbil gathered opposition forces, including the Iraqi List and Kurdish factions, later joined by al-Sadr. Talabani proposed withdrawing confidence from al-Maliki's government. Karim expressed concerns, but Talabani seemed unbothered. Karim also worried about potential resistance from Soleimani, prompting Talabani to suggest contacting him in Tehran.

As the plane prepared to depart, Soleimani indicated a messenger would deliver a message. The severe message demanded Talabani’s resignation if he wasn't up to the task and that he follow Soleimani’s approach. This led to a change of course and very dangerous consequences. Karim believed this marked the beginning of the decline in the political process in Iraq, leading to current events.

Al-Maliki and the Mosul dilemma

In Karim’s personal opinion, al-Maliki understood the gravity of the situation but likely thought it was a minor breach that could be rectified. Karim doubted that al-Maliki anticipated the situation turning into a major disaster leading to the occupation of a third of the country by ISIS, plunging both the people and the state into a costly predicament, the effects of which they are still grappling with.

The issue of Mosul was raised between Talabani and al-Maliki at the onset of discussions about forming the government. It was discussed in several meetings between the two leaders.

One day, al-Maliki proposed an idea that seemed strange to Karim. He suggested paying attention to the situation in Mosul and seeking a remedy for it.

“I hope we can cooperate and bring Mosul closer to the Kurdistan Region as much as possible because Mosul is a hub for terrorism, nationalists, and Baathists, hence a dagger in our side,” Karim recalled al-Maliki as saying.

Karim then responded: “We are talking about a future where we address the shortcomings we face, and you are talking about a Sunni component that is part of the political process!”

Al-Maliki then replied: “How can you speak to me like this? These are Baathists and nationalists, and, with all due respect, Sunnis.”

Karim then pointed to Talabani and said: “This man in front of you is Sunni.”

At that point, Talabani told al-Maliki that this conversation was inappropriate.

Al-Maliki: Mosul situation is under control

Karim’s words matched what Barzani, the former President of the Kurdistan Region, said at the time when he personally led the confrontation against ISIS.

Barzani said: “Before the fall of Mosul to ISIS, we received information that extremists were establishing bases in the urban area southwest of Mosul, near the Syrian border. I sent messages to Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki through Sayyid Ammar al-Hakim, Dr. Roj Shaways, and US Ambassador Stephen Beecroft.”

“I told them: Inform him that he’s preoccupied with Anbar and indifferent to Mosul, which has become an open arena. I proposed a joint operation to prevent the extremists from taking over Mosul and its surroundings,” recounted Barzani.

This was in December 2013, seven months before Mosul fell to ISIS. Barzani added that al-Maliki showed no interest: “I called him at the beginning of 2014 and said, ‘My brother, the situation in Mosul is dangerous. Let’s conduct a joint operation. I cannot send the Peshmerga alone’.”

“The matter is sensitive between Kurds and Arabs, and government forces are present in the area. There's the 2nd Division of the Iraqi Army, Federal Police, and other units. We’re ready to bear the heavier burden, but let it be a joint operation,” argued Barzani.

Al-Maliki then replied: “My brother, you watch over your region, don’t worry about what’s beyond it; the situation is under control.”

Barzani indicated that ISIS had not dreamed of taking control of Mosul, nor had it anticipated its fall into their hands.

The terrorist group wanted to distract army units to release their members detained in the Badush prison west of the city.

“ISIS launched shells towards the Ghazlani camp to cover the prisoners’ escape. The officers sent by al-Maliki (the ground forces commander and deputy chief of staff) fled, and the division commander joined them... This is a big and terrible issue,” said the Kurdish leader.

“The army didn't resist. Senior officers sought refuge with the Peshmerga. We rescued them and sent them to Baghdad at their request,” Barzani recounted.