Exclusive: A Call for Empowerment of Women to Exit Idlib ‘Hell’

A woman makes her way through the rubble of damaged buildings after airstrikes by pro-Syrian regime forces in the rebel held town of Dael, in Daraa Governorate, Syria February 12, 2016. (photo credit: REUTERS)
A woman makes her way through the rubble of damaged buildings after airstrikes by pro-Syrian regime forces in the rebel held town of Dael, in Daraa Governorate, Syria February 12, 2016. (photo credit: REUTERS)
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Exclusive: A Call for Empowerment of Women to Exit Idlib ‘Hell’

A woman makes her way through the rubble of damaged buildings after airstrikes by pro-Syrian regime forces in the rebel held town of Dael, in Daraa Governorate, Syria February 12, 2016. (photo credit: REUTERS)
A woman makes her way through the rubble of damaged buildings after airstrikes by pro-Syrian regime forces in the rebel held town of Dael, in Daraa Governorate, Syria February 12, 2016. (photo credit: REUTERS)

Living in the countryside of Idlib, Syria, the love of a mother for her two children could not stop her from insisting on getting a divorce with a husband she labels a ‘brute’.

The 25-year-old Umm Mohammed shudders when describing the ‘hell’ she lived with a savage man who was not shy to abuse her in every way imaginable.

“He would beat me for the slightest reason. He hits me with anything that falls within sight, mostly coarse leather belts. My skin was blue. I no longer trust men," says Um Mohammed with tears welling up in her eyes.

Women in Syria’s northwestern governorate of Idlib suffer from gender-based violence. Some call for social and religious reforms, and others urge for a women's revolution aimed at liberating women, while conservatives, especially sheikhs, object.  

About 2 million people live in Idlib and are under the control of the armed Islamic opposition.

There are no statistics on violence against women, but lawyer Abeer al-Hashash, a lecturer on human rights in the Idlib governorate and an activist in the program of the Free Syrian Lawyers' Union, says that women’s rights abuses is present in most homes, if not all.

Estimates published by the World Health Organization indicate that 35 percent of women worldwide are subjected to violence by their partners or to foreign violence.

Article 1 of the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, adopted by the United Nations since 1993, defines violence against women as any act of gender-based violence that results in or is likely to cause harm or inflict suffering onto women, whether physical, sexual or psychological. Abuse is taken also whether in public or private.

Researchers distinguish between multiple forms of gender-based violence against women: Physical violence, such as the beating of a wife or sister; social violence, such as preventing women from visiting friends and traveling; verbal violence, such as the demonization of women and inappropriate characterization; sexual violence, such as harassment of women and the marriage of minors; And political violence, such as preventing women from exercising their right to vote and run for office and political office.

Hashash calls for the elimination of all forms of violence. She says violence reflects ignorance, lack of awareness and social and moral backwardness, and describes Syrian society as a "pro-male society that views women as inferior, and regards them as property of men only."

Hashash regrets the contribution of women to gender-bias in society.

"It is women who first rejoice in the birth of a male more than the birth of the female, the first to distinguish between the education of the boy and the girl in favor of the male child, the first to allow the brother to suppress his sister or deprive her inheritance if she is sterile or does not give birth to a male," says the attorney.

Hashash calls for social and religious reforms that move Syrians forward into a free and enlightened society.

She believes that society will rise "when women rise” and that lectures and seminars limited to female presence are not enough to achieve the desired renaissance.

Hashash called for supportive media campaigns and that men receive a fuller and comprehensive education on women's rights.

The armed opposition imposed its hard-line view of religion on political, social and human rights in Idlib and disrupted laws.

Hashash calls for “the enactment of new laws that combat the oppression of women and back gender equality.”

"Islam is with freedom," said activist Khadija al-Zaidan, describing men who abuse women as "arrogant".

“They consider women to have a lesser mind … They say her place is her house behind the kitchen counter, and she is weak and needs protection.”

“They are oblivious and ignorant to the fact that women represent half the society we live in, and are partners with men, not slaves,” she said with a smile.

Zaidan believes women can excel in all areas, and calls on them to unite and take on fields of work, and urges them to "wage a massive women's uprising against outdated customs and traditions ... against an alpha male society".



Sudan's Relentless War: A 70-Year Cycle of Conflict


Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
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Sudan's Relentless War: A 70-Year Cycle of Conflict


Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)

While world conflicts dominate headlines, Sudan’s deepening catastrophe is unfolding largely out of sight; a brutal war that has killed tens of thousands, displaced millions, and flattened entire cities and regions.

More than a year into the conflict, some observers question whether the international community has grown weary of Sudan’s seemingly endless cycles of violence. The country has endured nearly seven decades of civil war, and what is happening now is not an exception, but the latest chapter in a bloody history of rebellion and collapse.

The first of Sudan’s modern wars began even before the country gained independence from Britain. In 1955, army officer Joseph Lagu led the southern “Anyanya” rebellion, named after a venomous snake, launching a guerrilla war that would last until 1972.

A peace agreement brokered by the World Council of Churches and Ethiopia’s late Emperor Haile Selassie ended that conflict with the signing of the Addis Ababa Accord.

But peace proved short-lived. In 1983, then-president Jaafar Nimeiry reignited tensions by announcing the imposition of Islamic Sharia law, known as the “September Laws.” The move prompted the rise of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), led by John Garang, and a renewed southern insurgency that raged for more than two decades, outliving Nimeiry’s regime.

Under Omar al-Bashir, who seized power in a 1989 military coup, the war took on an Islamist tone. His government declared “jihad” and mobilized civilians in support of the fight, but failed to secure a decisive victory.

The conflict eventually gave way to the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, better known as the Naivasha Agreement, which was brokered in Kenya and granted South Sudan the right to self-determination.

In 2011, more than 95% of South Sudanese voted to break away from Sudan, giving birth to the world’s newest country, the Republic of South Sudan. The secession marked the culmination of decades of war, which began with demands for a federal system and ended in full-scale conflict. The cost: over 2 million lives lost, and a once-unified nation split in two.

But even before South Sudan’s independence became reality, another brutal conflict had erupted in Sudan’s western Darfur region in 2003. Armed rebel groups from the region took up arms against the central government, accusing it of marginalization and neglect. What followed was a ferocious counterinsurgency campaign that drew global condemnation and triggered a major humanitarian crisis.

As violence escalated, the United Nations deployed one of its largest-ever peacekeeping missions, the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), in a bid to stem the bloodshed.

Despite multiple peace deals, including the Juba Agreement signed in October 2020 following the ousting of long-time Islamist ruler, Bashir, fighting never truly ceased.

The Darfur war alone left more than 300,000 people dead and millions displaced. The International Criminal Court charged Bashir and several top officials, including Ahmed Haroun and Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein, with war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Alongside the southern conflict, yet another war erupted in 2011, this time in the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan and the Blue Nile region. The fighting was led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu, head of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement–North (SPLM–N), a group composed largely of northern fighters who had sided with the South during the earlier civil war under John Garang.

The conflict broke out following contested elections marred by allegations of fraud, and Khartoum’s refusal to implement key provisions of the 2005 Naivasha Agreement, particularly those related to “popular consultations” in the two regions. More than a decade later, war still grips both areas, with no lasting resolution in sight.

Then came April 15, 2023. A fresh war exploded, this time in the heart of the capital, Khartoum, pitting the Sudanese Armed Forces against the powerful paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Now entering its third year, the conflict shows no signs of abating.

According to international reports, the war has killed more than 150,000 people and displaced around 13 million, the largest internal displacement crisis on the planet. Over 3 million Sudanese have fled to neighboring countries.

Large swathes of the capital lie in ruins, and entire states have been devastated. With Khartoum no longer viable as a seat of power, the government and military leadership have relocated to the Red Sea city of Port Sudan.

Unlike previous wars, Sudan’s current conflict has no real audience. Global pressure on the warring factions has been minimal. Media coverage is sparse. And despite warnings from the United Nations describing the crisis as “the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophe,” Sudan's descent into chaos remains largely ignored by the international community.