Who Will Inherit Saleh’s Political Legacy and Revenge?

Members of the General People's Congress, once headed by Yemen's slain former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, enter a meeting of the party's leadership in Sanaa, Yemen January 7, 2018.
Members of the General People's Congress, once headed by Yemen's slain former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, enter a meeting of the party's leadership in Sanaa, Yemen January 7, 2018.
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Who Will Inherit Saleh’s Political Legacy and Revenge?

Members of the General People's Congress, once headed by Yemen's slain former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, enter a meeting of the party's leadership in Sanaa, Yemen January 7, 2018.
Members of the General People's Congress, once headed by Yemen's slain former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, enter a meeting of the party's leadership in Sanaa, Yemen January 7, 2018.

When former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh and his close associates realized that the Houthis were ready to tighten the noose around the General People’s Congress, its chief and leadership, his nephew Tarek Saleh established a military training camp in his hometown of Sinhan.

This provoked the militias and made it make up its mind on quickly eliminating the former president before he is able to regroup his forces. He was ultimately killed on December 4, 2017.

Tarek’s reappearance came amid questions among his uncle’s followers, Congress supporters and their rivals about the fate of Saleh’s political and military legacy that he accumulated over the decades.

The search has been on for the most suitable candidate to assume the mantle and avenge those murdered by the Houthis.

Military officials, who spoke to the Asharq Al-Awsat, said that Tarek was the best candidate to succeed his uncle at the moment due to his military experience and acquaintance with former commanders in the pro-Saleh forces. In addition, he is the only member of his family who is currently on the ground.

Other candidates include the late president’s son Ahmed Ali, the former commander of the elite forces in the Yemeni military. He has been residing in the United Arab Emirates since President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi removed him from his position of ambassador. He was expelled along with several members of his family, including his brother Khaled and cousin Ammar Saleh.

Khaled is a graduate of the military academy and his father had appointed him in 2010 as commander of one of the presidential guard branches. He however did not have enough time to establish himself because of his father’s departure from power. His cousin, Ammar, who is also Tarek’s brother, was the actual chief of the national security agency (the intelligence).

Close associates of the eldest Saleh son believe that he is not yet prepared to play a military role in the conflict because the United Nations Security Council had imposed sanctions on him that bar him from traveling and that have frozen his assets. Congress leaderships that were close to his father have been pushing for him to assume a leading role in the party because they believe that his calm character is more suited to civilian work than the military field.

Another nephew, Yehya Saleh is currently residing in the Lebanese capital Beirut. He has also traveled to several countries, including Russia, Egypt, Greece and Cyprus. Days ago, he was in Oman to visit his relatives there.

He has been active in the trade industry and was leader of a central security forces branch during Saleh’s years in power. Over a year ago, the former president appointed him as a member of the Congress politburo, but he departed Yemen in wake of the Houthi coup. His statements after his uncle’s murder had stirred controversy among his followers because they had lacked the needed severity against and condemnation of the militias. They instead reflected his commitment to continuing the opposition of the legitimate Yemeni government and rejection of foreign military intervention.

Another of Saleh’s sons are Salah and Madeen. They have been imprisoned by the Houthi militias since their father’s murder and they are not known to have played any military or political roles. Efforts have been exerted by Congress leaderships to release them.

Saleh’s youngest sons, Ridan and Sakhr, have been living outside of Yemen for at least the past two years. They are likely living in Oman. The former president also has ten daughters, nine of whom are married. They are all living outside of Yemen in various Arab Gulf countries.

Oman had announced that it received 22 of Saleh’s relatives in wake of his murder. Saudi authorities had also said that 19 other of his relatives, including his wife Ummat al-Salam al-Hajari, were received in the Kingdom.



Iran Leader Khamenei Sees His Inner Circle Hollowed Out by Israel 

Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei looks on, in a televised message following the Israeli strikes in Tehran, Iran, June 13, 2025. Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via Reuters
Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei looks on, in a televised message following the Israeli strikes in Tehran, Iran, June 13, 2025. Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via Reuters
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Iran Leader Khamenei Sees His Inner Circle Hollowed Out by Israel 

Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei looks on, in a televised message following the Israeli strikes in Tehran, Iran, June 13, 2025. Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via Reuters
Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei looks on, in a televised message following the Israeli strikes in Tehran, Iran, June 13, 2025. Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via Reuters

Iran's 86-year-old Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei cuts an increasingly lonely figure.

Khamenei has seen his main military and security advisers killed by Israeli air strikes, leaving major holes in his inner circle and raising the risk of strategic errors, according to five people familiar with his decision-making process.

One of those sources, who regularly attends meetings with Khamenei, described the risk of miscalculation to Iran on issues of defense and internal stability as "extremely dangerous".

Several senior military commanders have been killed since Friday including Khamenei's main advisers from the Revolutionary Guards, Iran's elite military force: the Guards' overall commander Hossein Salami, its aerospace chief Amir Ali Hajizadeh who headed Iran's ballistic missile program and spymaster Mohammad Kazemi.

These men were part of the supreme leader's inner circle of roughly 15-20 advisers comprising Guards commanders, clerics, and politicians, according to the sources who including three people who attend or have attended meetings with the leader on major issues and two close to officials who regularly attend.

The loose group meets on an ad-hoc basis, when Khamenei's office reaches out to relevant advisers to gather at his compound in Tehran to discuss an important decision, all the people said. Members are characterized by unwavering loyalty to him and the ideology of the regime, they added.

Khamenei, who was imprisoned before the 1979 revolution and maimed by a bomb attack before becoming leader in 1989, is profoundly committed to maintaining Iran's system of government and deeply mistrustful of the West.

Under Iran's system of government, he has supreme command of the armed forces, the power to declare war, and can appoint or dismiss senior figures including military commanders and judges.

Khamenei makes the final decision on important matters, though he values advice, listens attentively to diverse viewpoints, and often seeks additional information from his counsellors, according to one source who attends meetings.

"Two things you can say about Khamenei: he is extremely stubborn but also extremely cautious. He is very cautious. That is why he has been in power for as long as he has," said Alex Vatanka, director of the Iran Program at the Middle East Institute think-tank in Washington.

"Khamenei is pretty well placed to do the basic cost-benefit analysis which really fundamentally gets to one issue more important than anything else: regime survival."

KHAMENEI'S SON AT THE FORE

The focus on survival has repeatedly been put to the test. Khamenei has deployed the Revolutionary Guards and its affiliated Basij militia to quell national protests in 1999, 2009 and 2022.

However, while the security forces have always been able to outlast demonstrators and restore state rule, years of Western sanctions have caused widespread economic misery that analysts say could ultimately threaten internal unrest.

The stakes could barely be higher for Khamenei who faces an escalating war with Israel, which has targeted nuclear and military sites and personnel with air attacks, drawing retaliatory Iranian missile fire, insiders and analysts said.

The five people familiar with Khamenei's decision-making process stressed that other insiders who have not been targeted by Israel's strikes remain important and influential, including top advisers on political, economic and diplomatic issues.

Khamenei designates such advisers to handle issues as they arise, extending his reach directly into a wide array of institutions spanning military, security, cultural, political and economic domains, two of the sources said.

Operating this way, including in bodies nominally under the elected president, means Khamenei's office is often involved not only in the biggest questions of state but in executing even minor initiatives, the sources said.

His son Mojtaba has over the past 20 years grown ever more central to this process, the sources said, building a role that cuts between the personalities, factions and organizations involved to coordinate on specific issues, the sources said.

A mid-ranking cleric seen by some insiders as a potential successor to his ageing father, Mojtaba has built close ties with the Guards giving him added leverage within across Iran's political and security apparatus, the sources said.

Ali Asghar Hejazi, the deputy of political security affairs at Khamenei's office, has been involved in sensitive security decisions and is often described as the most powerful intelligence official in Iran, the sources said.

Meanwhile, the head of Khamenei's office, Mohammad Golpayegani, as well as former Iranian foreign ministers Ali Akbar Velayati and Kamal Kharazi, and ex-parliament speaker Ali Larijani, remain trusted confidants on diplomatic and domestic policies issues such as the nuclear dispute, the sources said.

The loss of the Revolutionary Guards commanders nonetheless decimates the top ranks of a military organization that he has put at the center of power since becoming supreme leader in 1989, relying on it for both internal security and Iran's regional strategy.

While the regular army chain of command runs through the defense ministry under the elected president, the Guards answer personally to Khamenei, securing the best military equipment for their land, air and sea branches and giving their commanders a major state role.

As he faces one of the most dangerous moments in the country’s history, Khamenei finds himself further isolated by the recent losses of other key advisers in the region as Iran's "Axis of Resistance" coalition has been hammered by Israel.

Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah, who was personally close to the Iranian leader, was killed by an Israeli airstrike in September last year and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad was overthrown by opposition factions in December.