Iraq’s Abadi-Maliki Differences Manifest in Party-List Representation

Iraq's Vice President Nouri al-Maliki (L) and new Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi shake hands during the session to approve the new government in Baghdad, Sept. 8, 2014. (crédit photo:  REUTERS/Hadi Mizban)
Iraq's Vice President Nouri al-Maliki (L) and new Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi shake hands during the session to approve the new government in Baghdad, Sept. 8, 2014. (crédit photo: REUTERS/Hadi Mizban)
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Iraq’s Abadi-Maliki Differences Manifest in Party-List Representation

Iraq's Vice President Nouri al-Maliki (L) and new Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi shake hands during the session to approve the new government in Baghdad, Sept. 8, 2014. (crédit photo:  REUTERS/Hadi Mizban)
Iraq's Vice President Nouri al-Maliki (L) and new Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi shake hands during the session to approve the new government in Baghdad, Sept. 8, 2014. (crédit photo: REUTERS/Hadi Mizban)

Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi and his predecessor, Nouri al-Maliki, will run in the upcoming elections on two separate roasters, despite both taking part in the Islamic Dawa Party.

Dawa Party neutralists say that this separation offers diversity will benefit the party and for the State of Law Coalition, because there are those who support Abadi and do not back Maliki, and vice versa.

The State of Law Coalition is an Iraqi political coalition formed for the Iraqi governorate elections, 2009 by the Prime Minister of Iraq at the time, Maliki.

Due to disagreements with the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq and the Sadrists, the Dawa Party decided not to join the Iraqi National Alliance for the Iraqi parliamentary election, 2010, but run in their own coalition: the State of Law Coalition.

Opponents, some of whom are pro-Abadi and against Maliki, and vice versa, see that the reason for the separation between the two key figures is the ‘number one’ complex.

“Maliki rejected conditions Abadi imposed, which sees his name on the top, while Maliki goes in second, or to present guarantees on supporting Abadi for a second mandate,” a senior official told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The party list dilemma inhibits on many roasters in the making and elections in general.

“Differences between Abadi and Maliki do not stop at registration in a single electoral list, but to original rising of Abadi to prime minister, contrary to the Maliki’s desire --which got further rooted in the last four years since Abadi’s inaugural,” a source speaking under conditions of anonymity said.

“When Abadi imposed the above mentioned conditions on Maliki, knowing the stubborn man he is, he knew Maliki would refuse, leading up a justified exit from the coalition’s electoral the list dubbed (Victory),” the source explained.

Iraqi parliament and local elections are slated for May 12th. Though the election commission had set last Thursday for closing the door for the registration of electoral alliances, it did not announce the closure officially.



Israel Wages ‘Psychological War’ on Residents of Southern Lebanon

Lebanese inspect damage from an Israeli strike on Beirut’s southern suburbs. AP
Lebanese inspect damage from an Israeli strike on Beirut’s southern suburbs. AP
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Israel Wages ‘Psychological War’ on Residents of Southern Lebanon

Lebanese inspect damage from an Israeli strike on Beirut’s southern suburbs. AP
Lebanese inspect damage from an Israeli strike on Beirut’s southern suburbs. AP

Residents of southern Lebanon say they are living under the constant shadow of an Israeli “psychological war,” as drones hover overhead, sound bombs explode near villages, and airstrikes fuel a growing climate of fear across the border region.

While Israeli air raids and ground incursions have escalated in recent weeks, locals in towns such as Mays al-Jabal, Hula, and Kfar Kila report an additional, subtler kind of assault: one that aims not to destroy buildings, but to break spirits.

“Drones don’t leave our skies,” Mohammad, a resident of Bint Jbeil, told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Explosions near homes, constant buzzing, and open threats on Israeli media – it’s designed to keep people afraid.”

The psychological toll has been mounting. Sound bombs were dropped in Hula on Wednesday, while Israeli forces crossed the border near the village of Tufa, setting fire to a truck clearing rubble.

In the town of Mansouri, a man was injured by an Israeli drone strike and hospitalized in nearby Tyre. In a separate incident, a man in his thirties was wounded by unexploded ordnance.

Israel’s tactics, residents say, aim to paralyze daily life and force displacement.

“This is more than a military campaign. It’s a war on the mind,” said former Mays al-Jabal mayor Abdel Moneim Shuqair, noting that only around 500 residents have returned to the town out of a pre-escalation population of 7,000.

Movement in the south has become increasingly perilous. Roads like the one linking Maroun al-Ras to Bint Jbeil are now considered too risky to travel.

“People avoid them because they’re completely exposed to Israeli surveillance. Any moment, a car could be targeted,” Shuqair told Asharq Al-Awsat.

On that note, Mohammed added that Israel doesn’t just want locals to leave; it wants to break their will to return.

In Kfar Kila, resident Mona Awadah described fleeing her home after it was targeted. Her husband survived the attack, but their home was no longer safe.

“We were one of the first families to return after the truce,” she said. “We put up a prefabricated home on our farmland, but even that was targeted. It’s as if they’re saying: you’re not safe anywhere – not even on your own land.”

Locals say the absence of a comprehensive state-led reconstruction plan is exacerbating their sense of abandonment. Efforts to rebuild homes or install mobile housing units have reportedly drawn further Israeli strikes. Some families have taken shelter in public schools, sleeping on makeshift bedding.

“There’s no alternative for us but this country and this army,” said Shuqair. “We need a clear stance from the state and a serious plan for a safe and dignified return,” he added.

As fear becomes routine, some residents warn of an even more dangerous development – adaptation. “The biggest danger is that people are starting to get used to the emptiness,” said Mohammad. “That’s what the occupation wants – for us to forget our land.”