Syria's 'Wanted List' Includes 1.5 Million People

A civil-defense member reacts after what activists say were three consecutive air strikes by the Russian air force in Idlib province, Syria, on January 12, 2016. (Reuters / Khalil Ashawi)
A civil-defense member reacts after what activists say were three consecutive air strikes by the Russian air force in Idlib province, Syria, on January 12, 2016. (Reuters / Khalil Ashawi)
TT
20

Syria's 'Wanted List' Includes 1.5 Million People

A civil-defense member reacts after what activists say were three consecutive air strikes by the Russian air force in Idlib province, Syria, on January 12, 2016. (Reuters / Khalil Ashawi)
A civil-defense member reacts after what activists say were three consecutive air strikes by the Russian air force in Idlib province, Syria, on January 12, 2016. (Reuters / Khalil Ashawi)

Desperate to find out if they can ever return home, Syrians exiled by their country's uprising-turned-war are scouring a leaked database of people reportedly wanted by the intelligence services, Agence France Presse reported.

Typing in first, last and father's names into the online list, Syrians abroad hold their breath to learn if a long-awaited visit to Damascus would land them in regime prison or potentially far worse.

Hundreds of thousands have been arrested by Syria's feared security apparatus since the conflict erupted in 2011, many for opposing the regime.

Others have fled the country, fearing detention, torture, or worse.

Last month, the pro-opposition Zaman Al-Wasl news website released a searchable database of 1.5 million reportedly wanted people, including which security branch seeks their arrest, questioning or travel ban.

"Wanted By: General Intelligence Directorate. Action: Arrest," reads the result for Amr al-Azm, history professor at Shawnee State University in the United States.

"I would not have assumed otherwise," sighed Azm, 54, who last visited his native Syria a year before protests against Bashar al-Assad began.

Since then, Azm has spoken out actively against Assad, so was unfazed to see his name on the list.

"On the one hand, you feel proud you've done enough to attract the attention of the authorities," he said.

"But at the same time, it makes me very sad -- because if it's true, it means I'll never see Syria again."

Zaman al-Wasl says the list was part of a trove of 1.7 million regime documents leaked by Damascus-based sources in 2015.

It says the database has been searched more than 10 million times. Their site also shows frustrated reactions from people who learned they were wanted. 

When a first installment of 500,000 names was released in early March, exiled Syrian opposition figures began sending each other the link.

Many already knew they were persona non grata in their homeland, but wanted details: which of Syria's feared security branches held outstanding warrants for them? Would they face a simple interrogation or full-blown arrest?

"It's like a terminal disease. You know you have it, but the lab tests come through and you get the confirmation," Azm said.

The list does not include the specific crime in question, and doubts remain about whether it is comprehensive or up-to-date. 

Still, when Zeina learned of the database, her heart began racing. 

She left Syria in 2012 after two stints in regime jails for demonstrating, and wondered if she'd face a third arrest.

"I never considered not searching, because I'd rather know," said Zeina, using a pseudonym.

As each third of the database was released, she punched in her real name, but it generated no criminal record.

"I want it to be true for selfish reasons, because I'm not on it and I want to go back," Zeina said.

She aches for personal letters, books and ancestors' belongings she would inherit, still thousands of kilometers away.

To double-check, Zeina asked contacts in Damascus to run her name against their lists, which could be more recent and detailed. Still, nothing. 

"I don't have an answer, and that's why I haven't taken action yet," she said.

"Is it worse to go back and risk being taken? Or never go, and then it ends up that they never wanted me in the first place?"

Even people living outside regime control in Syria have used Zaman al-Wasl's database. 

Dilbrin Mohammad, 37, lives in Kurdish-held Qamishli and fears arrest by the regime for protesting in 2011.

He has searched lists like Zaman al-Wasl's and paid bribes to regime officials to search their records, which can cost as much as $200. To be safe, he avoids regime checkpoints.

"You feel like the regime-controlled parts are a different country that you need a visa for," said the computer technician. 

"It's like they're North Korea and we're the South."

It's been more than two years since Mohammad Kheder resettled in Germany with his wife and three children, but he insists it's a temporary stay.

"I don't want to get acclimatized, because we're going back to Syria," said Kheder, 32, who hails from Albu Kamal in the east.

He'll never forget the euphoria of his hometown's first anti-Assad protests nor would he regret participating, even if it landed him on the regime's wanted list. 

"I didn't open the Zaman al-Wasl database because I already knew, but all my friends sent me screenshots of my name," Kheder said.

It prompted him to search the names of his brothers, friends, and nostalgically, activists he knew were killed in the seven-year war.

"Seeing my name was a badge of honor. It only made me more determined to go back, but not while Assad is in power," he said.

"I'm wanted by Assad? Well, he's wanted by me."



The Election of a Trump Ally in Poland Could Alter EU and Ukraine Policies 

Karol Nawrocki, candidate for the 2025 Polish presidential election supported by Poland's right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, flashes the victory sign in front of supporters as exit polls were announced on tv during their election night event at the Mala Warszawa Theater in Warsaw, Poland, during the second round of the presidential elections on June 1, 2025. (AFP)
Karol Nawrocki, candidate for the 2025 Polish presidential election supported by Poland's right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, flashes the victory sign in front of supporters as exit polls were announced on tv during their election night event at the Mala Warszawa Theater in Warsaw, Poland, during the second round of the presidential elections on June 1, 2025. (AFP)
TT
20

The Election of a Trump Ally in Poland Could Alter EU and Ukraine Policies 

Karol Nawrocki, candidate for the 2025 Polish presidential election supported by Poland's right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, flashes the victory sign in front of supporters as exit polls were announced on tv during their election night event at the Mala Warszawa Theater in Warsaw, Poland, during the second round of the presidential elections on June 1, 2025. (AFP)
Karol Nawrocki, candidate for the 2025 Polish presidential election supported by Poland's right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, flashes the victory sign in front of supporters as exit polls were announced on tv during their election night event at the Mala Warszawa Theater in Warsaw, Poland, during the second round of the presidential elections on June 1, 2025. (AFP)

Poland has elected Karol Nawrocki, a conservative historian and staunch nationalist, as its next president in a closely watched vote that signals a resurgence of right-wing populism in the heart of Europe.

Nawrocki, who is set to take office on Aug. 6, is expected to shape the country’s domestic and foreign policy in ways that could strain ties with Brussels while aligning the Central European nation of nearly 38 million people more closely with the administration of President Donald Trump in the United States.

Here are some key takeaways:

Conservative populism on the rise Nawrocki’s victory underscores the enduring appeal of nationalist rhetoric among about half of the country along the eastern flank of NATO and the European Union, and its deep social divisions.

The 42-year-old historian, who had no previous political experience, built his campaign on patriotic themes, traditional Catholic values, and a vow to defend Poland's sovereignty against the EU and larger European nations like Germany.

His win also reflects the appeal of right-wing nationalism across Europe, where concerns about migration, national sovereignty, and cultural identity have led to surging support for parties on the right — even the far right in recent times.

Far-right candidates did very well in Poland's first round of voting two weeks earlier, underlining the appeal of the nationalist and conservative views. Nawrocki picked up many of those votes.

As his supporters celebrate his win, those who voted for the defeated liberal candidate, Warsaw Mayor Rafał Trzaskowski, worry that it will hasten the erosion of liberal democratic norms.

Prime Minister Donald Tusk's troubles Nawrocki’s presidency presents a direct challenge to Prime Minister Donald Tusk, who returned to power in late 2023 pledging to mend relations with the EU and restore judicial independence which Brussels said was eroded by Law and Justice, the party that backed Nawrocki.

But Tusk's coalition, a fragile alliance of centrists, leftists, and agrarian conservatives, has struggled to push through key promises.

Nawrocki will have the power to veto legislation, complicating Tusk’s agenda and potentially triggering political gridlock.

Ties with the Trump administration Nawrocki's election could signal a stronger relationship between Poland and the Trump administration.

Poland and the US are close allies, and there are 10,000 US troops stationed in Poland, but Tusk and his partners in the past have been critical of Trump. Nawrocki, however, has a worldview closely aligned with Trump and his Make America Great Again ethos.

Trump welcomed Nawrocki to the White House a month ago and his administration made clear in other ways that he was its preferred candidate.

A shifting focus on Ukraine While Nawrocki has voiced support for Ukraine’s defense against Russian aggression, he does not back Ukrainian membership in NATO and has questioned the long-term costs of aid, particularly support for refugees.

His rhetoric has at times echoed that of Trump, for instance by accusing Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of what he said was insufficient gratitude for Poland’s assistance. With growing public fatigue over helping Ukrainian refugees, Nawrocki’s approach could shift Poland’s posture from strong ally to conditional partner if the war drags on much longer.

Ties with the EU The election result is a setback for the EU, which had welcomed Tusk’s return in 2023 as a signal of renewed pro-European engagement.

Nawrocki and the Law and Justice party have criticized what nationalists view as EU overreach into Poland's national affairs, especially regarding judicial reforms and migration policy.

While the president does not control day-to-day diplomacy, Nawrocki’s symbolic and veto powers could frustrate Brussels’ efforts to bring Poland back into alignment with bloc standards, particularly on rule-of-law issues.

Market jitters Though an EU member, Poland has its own currency, the zloty, which weakened slightly on Monday morning, reflecting investor concerns over potential policy instability and renewed tensions with EU institutions.

Billions of euros in EU funding has been linked to judicial reforms which Tusk's government will now be unlikely to enact without presidential cooperation.