Syria's 'Wanted List' Includes 1.5 Million People

A civil-defense member reacts after what activists say were three consecutive air strikes by the Russian air force in Idlib province, Syria, on January 12, 2016. (Reuters / Khalil Ashawi)
A civil-defense member reacts after what activists say were three consecutive air strikes by the Russian air force in Idlib province, Syria, on January 12, 2016. (Reuters / Khalil Ashawi)
TT

Syria's 'Wanted List' Includes 1.5 Million People

A civil-defense member reacts after what activists say were three consecutive air strikes by the Russian air force in Idlib province, Syria, on January 12, 2016. (Reuters / Khalil Ashawi)
A civil-defense member reacts after what activists say were three consecutive air strikes by the Russian air force in Idlib province, Syria, on January 12, 2016. (Reuters / Khalil Ashawi)

Desperate to find out if they can ever return home, Syrians exiled by their country's uprising-turned-war are scouring a leaked database of people reportedly wanted by the intelligence services, Agence France Presse reported.

Typing in first, last and father's names into the online list, Syrians abroad hold their breath to learn if a long-awaited visit to Damascus would land them in regime prison or potentially far worse.

Hundreds of thousands have been arrested by Syria's feared security apparatus since the conflict erupted in 2011, many for opposing the regime.

Others have fled the country, fearing detention, torture, or worse.

Last month, the pro-opposition Zaman Al-Wasl news website released a searchable database of 1.5 million reportedly wanted people, including which security branch seeks their arrest, questioning or travel ban.

"Wanted By: General Intelligence Directorate. Action: Arrest," reads the result for Amr al-Azm, history professor at Shawnee State University in the United States.

"I would not have assumed otherwise," sighed Azm, 54, who last visited his native Syria a year before protests against Bashar al-Assad began.

Since then, Azm has spoken out actively against Assad, so was unfazed to see his name on the list.

"On the one hand, you feel proud you've done enough to attract the attention of the authorities," he said.

"But at the same time, it makes me very sad -- because if it's true, it means I'll never see Syria again."

Zaman al-Wasl says the list was part of a trove of 1.7 million regime documents leaked by Damascus-based sources in 2015.

It says the database has been searched more than 10 million times. Their site also shows frustrated reactions from people who learned they were wanted. 

When a first installment of 500,000 names was released in early March, exiled Syrian opposition figures began sending each other the link.

Many already knew they were persona non grata in their homeland, but wanted details: which of Syria's feared security branches held outstanding warrants for them? Would they face a simple interrogation or full-blown arrest?

"It's like a terminal disease. You know you have it, but the lab tests come through and you get the confirmation," Azm said.

The list does not include the specific crime in question, and doubts remain about whether it is comprehensive or up-to-date. 

Still, when Zeina learned of the database, her heart began racing. 

She left Syria in 2012 after two stints in regime jails for demonstrating, and wondered if she'd face a third arrest.

"I never considered not searching, because I'd rather know," said Zeina, using a pseudonym.

As each third of the database was released, she punched in her real name, but it generated no criminal record.

"I want it to be true for selfish reasons, because I'm not on it and I want to go back," Zeina said.

She aches for personal letters, books and ancestors' belongings she would inherit, still thousands of kilometers away.

To double-check, Zeina asked contacts in Damascus to run her name against their lists, which could be more recent and detailed. Still, nothing. 

"I don't have an answer, and that's why I haven't taken action yet," she said.

"Is it worse to go back and risk being taken? Or never go, and then it ends up that they never wanted me in the first place?"

Even people living outside regime control in Syria have used Zaman al-Wasl's database. 

Dilbrin Mohammad, 37, lives in Kurdish-held Qamishli and fears arrest by the regime for protesting in 2011.

He has searched lists like Zaman al-Wasl's and paid bribes to regime officials to search their records, which can cost as much as $200. To be safe, he avoids regime checkpoints.

"You feel like the regime-controlled parts are a different country that you need a visa for," said the computer technician. 

"It's like they're North Korea and we're the South."

It's been more than two years since Mohammad Kheder resettled in Germany with his wife and three children, but he insists it's a temporary stay.

"I don't want to get acclimatized, because we're going back to Syria," said Kheder, 32, who hails from Albu Kamal in the east.

He'll never forget the euphoria of his hometown's first anti-Assad protests nor would he regret participating, even if it landed him on the regime's wanted list. 

"I didn't open the Zaman al-Wasl database because I already knew, but all my friends sent me screenshots of my name," Kheder said.

It prompted him to search the names of his brothers, friends, and nostalgically, activists he knew were killed in the seven-year war.

"Seeing my name was a badge of honor. It only made me more determined to go back, but not while Assad is in power," he said.

"I'm wanted by Assad? Well, he's wanted by me."



Efforts to End Kurdish Militant Conflict in Türkiye Face Syria Test

Türkiye's main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Ozgur Ozel and pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) officials Pervin Buldan, Ahmet Turk and Sirri Sureyya Onder, stand for a picture flanked by other Republican People's Party officials, as they meet at the Turkish parliament in Ankara, Türkiye, January 7, 2025. Dogusan Ozer/Republican People's Party/Handout via REUTERS
Türkiye's main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Ozgur Ozel and pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) officials Pervin Buldan, Ahmet Turk and Sirri Sureyya Onder, stand for a picture flanked by other Republican People's Party officials, as they meet at the Turkish parliament in Ankara, Türkiye, January 7, 2025. Dogusan Ozer/Republican People's Party/Handout via REUTERS
TT

Efforts to End Kurdish Militant Conflict in Türkiye Face Syria Test

Türkiye's main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Ozgur Ozel and pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) officials Pervin Buldan, Ahmet Turk and Sirri Sureyya Onder, stand for a picture flanked by other Republican People's Party officials, as they meet at the Turkish parliament in Ankara, Türkiye, January 7, 2025. Dogusan Ozer/Republican People's Party/Handout via REUTERS
Türkiye's main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Ozgur Ozel and pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) officials Pervin Buldan, Ahmet Turk and Sirri Sureyya Onder, stand for a picture flanked by other Republican People's Party officials, as they meet at the Turkish parliament in Ankara, Türkiye, January 7, 2025. Dogusan Ozer/Republican People's Party/Handout via REUTERS

Talks aimed at ending a 40-year-old militant conflict have fostered peace hopes in Türkiye but the precarious situation of Kurdish forces in Syria and uncertainty about Ankara's intentions have left many Kurds anxious about the path ahead.
Abdullah Ocalan, jailed head of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) militant group, has been cited as indicating a willingness to call on the PKK to lay down arms in a peace process to end the insurgency he launched against NATO-member Türkiye in 1984.
The conflict has killed more than 40,000 people, stunted development in the mainly Kurdish southeast and caused deep political divisions.
Türkiye's pro-Kurdish DEM Party met Ocalan in late December and has since held talks with other parties including President Tayyip Erdogan's AK Party (AKP), to discuss Ocalan's proposal, with both sides describing the talks as "positive". Two DEM sources told Reuters the party is now set to visit Ocalan again as soon as Jan. 15 in his prison on northwest Türkiye's Imrali island, where the 75-year-old has been held since 1999. They expect that meeting to yield a concrete plan for peace talks.
"We expect the process to take shape and a clear roadmap to be determined to establish the legal framework in the second meeting with Ocalan," DEM Party parliamentary group deputy chair Gulistan Kilic Kocyigit told Reuters. DEM is the third-largest party in parliament.
It was unclear what Ocalan would seek in any deal but DEM quoted him as referring to efforts for a "democratic transformation" in Türkiye. Kurds have long sought more political and cultural rights, and economic support. DEM also demands Ocalan's release. The dynamics of any peace process have been transformed by the toppling of Bashar al-Assad in Syria, leaving Syrian Kurdish forces on the back foot with Türkiye-backed forces ranged against them and the new rulers in Damascus friendly with Ankara. Türkiye has warned it could mount a cross-border military offensive into northern Syria against the Kurdish YPG militia unless they disband. It says they are terrorists and part of the PKK but they are also allied with the United States in the fight against ISIS, complicating the issue further.
For now it is unclear how the fall of Assad could affect the prospects of the PKK laying down arms. A leading PKK figure indicated in an interview this week that the group supported Ocalan's efforts but did not comment on the disarmament issue. The leader of the Syrian Kurdish forces has proposed that foreign fighters, including from the PKK, would leave Syria as part of a deal with Türkiye to avoid further conflict in the country.
"POINTING GUNS AND TALKING PEACE"
Kocyigit said that managing a peace process in Türkiye against this background was the biggest test for Ankara.
"You cannot point guns at the Kurds in (Syria's) Kobani and talk about peace in Türkiye," she said. "The Kurdish issue is a complex issue. It should be addressed not only with Türkiye's internal dynamics but also with its international dimensions."
Türkiye should accept that Kurds have a say in the future of Syria, she added.
Ankara has said little about the talks with Ocalan, launched after a proposal by Erdogan's main ally in October, but a major AKP figure spoke optimistically after meeting a DEM delegation.
"We see everyone's good-willed effort to contribute to the process," AKP's Abdullah Guler said on Tuesday, adding the goal was to resolve the issue this year. "The process ahead will lead to completely different developments that we never expected."
He did not specify what these developments were, but another AKP MP said a climate for the PKK to lay down arms may be in place by February. Asked if there could be an amnesty for PKK members, Guler said a general amnesty was not on the agenda.
The leader of the main opposition Republican People's Party, Ozgur Ozel, said a parliamentary commission should be set up with all parties to address the problems faced by Kurds.
In the southeast, Kurds are skeptical about peace prospects after past failures. That uncertainty is reflected in opinion surveys. A recent SAMER poll of some 1,400 people, conducted in the southeast and major Turkish cities, showed that only 27% of respondents expected the original call for Ocalan to end the conflict to evolve into a peace process.
The last peace talks collapsed in 2015, triggering a surge in violence and a crackdown on pro-Kurdish party members. Guler said the current process would in no way resemble those talks a decade ago, saying the situation had changed.
ERDOGAN'S STANCE IS CRUCIAL
Key to boosting confidence in the peace process would be an expression of support from Erdogan, according to DEM's Kocyigit.
"His direct confirmation that he is involved in the process would make a world of difference. If he openly expresses this support, social support would increase rapidly," she said.
Erdogan has so far kept up his hardline rhetoric against the PKK, saying after a cabinet meeting this week that "those who choose violence will be buried with their weapons" and repeating his oft-used warning of military action against Syrian Kurdish forces: "We may come suddenly one night".
Erdogan said he believed that "ultimately brotherhood, unity, togetherness and peace will win" while warning that if this path is blocked, "we will not hesitate to use the iron fist of our state wrapped in a velvet glove."
The importance of Erdogan's comments was also stressed by Yuksel Genc, coordinator of the Diyarbakir-based pollster SAMER.
"The harsh rhetoric of Erdogan and his circle is preventing a revival of feelings of trust in the new process (among Kurds) on the street," she said, noting concerns among many Kurds about what would happen to Kurds in Syria. Domestically, Ankara has signaled a will to deal with the Kurdish issue, unveiling last month a $14 billion development plan aimed at reducing the economic gap between the southeast and the rest of Türkiye.
An end to conflict would be widely welcomed across Türkiye, but the government faces a balancing act given the widespread enmity among most Turks towards Ocalan and the PKK after four decades of bloodshed, with many opposing peace talks.
"I definitely do not support it. I am not in favor of such bargaining or talks. I consider this as a disrespect to our martyrs and their families," Mehmet Naci Armagan, who works in the tourism sector, said in Istanbul.