Maher Al-Assad Named Commander of the Syrian Army’s elite 4th Mechanized Division

Bashar al-Assad (C), his younger brother Maher (L) are seen at their father Hafez al-Assad's funeral on June 13, 2000. REUTERS/Stringer
Bashar al-Assad (C), his younger brother Maher (L) are seen at their father Hafez al-Assad's funeral on June 13, 2000. REUTERS/Stringer
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Maher Al-Assad Named Commander of the Syrian Army’s elite 4th Mechanized Division

Bashar al-Assad (C), his younger brother Maher (L) are seen at their father Hafez al-Assad's funeral on June 13, 2000. REUTERS/Stringer
Bashar al-Assad (C), his younger brother Maher (L) are seen at their father Hafez al-Assad's funeral on June 13, 2000. REUTERS/Stringer

Syrians were shocked with the news of appointing Maher Al-Assad, brother of Bashar Al-Assad, commander of the Syrian Army’s elite 4th Mechanized Division, as revealed by Russia Today Website and other pro-regime sites.

What caused the shock is that the name of Maher Al-Assad has been associated with the 4th Mechanized Division as the commander but it turned out that he was the commander of battalion 42 in the 4th Mechanized Division.

This coincided with news that the Tiger Forces, led by Colonel Suheil al-Hassan, moved from Russia towards the south of Damascus to lead military operations launched by the regime forces there. These operations actually failed after one week of bombarding towns in the south of the capital.

Maher Al-Assad, born in 1967, studied mechanical engineering at Damascus University before he enrolled in the military academy then started serving at the 4th division. He was promoted in the summer of the past year.

The 4th Mechanized Division was formed in 1984 from the Defense Companies, established by Rifaat al-Assad, brother of deceased former president Hafez Al-Assad, in 1982. Defense Companies had a key role in Hama incidents, back then.

After the failure of Rifaat al-Assad coup over his brother, the Defense Companies were merged with the regime army and together were called the 4th Mechanized Division. It has now become one of the major divisions with around 15,000 members.

Opposing parties attribute the most bloody raids in Damascus countryside and Daraa in the beguiling of the revolution to the 4th Mechanized Division.



Confession in Hisham al-Hashimi Killing Sparks Outrage in Iraq

File photo shows an Iraqi man standing in front of a poster of researcher Hisham al-Hashimi, who was shot dead in Baghdad in July 2020 (AP)
File photo shows an Iraqi man standing in front of a poster of researcher Hisham al-Hashimi, who was shot dead in Baghdad in July 2020 (AP)
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Confession in Hisham al-Hashimi Killing Sparks Outrage in Iraq

File photo shows an Iraqi man standing in front of a poster of researcher Hisham al-Hashimi, who was shot dead in Baghdad in July 2020 (AP)
File photo shows an Iraqi man standing in front of a poster of researcher Hisham al-Hashimi, who was shot dead in Baghdad in July 2020 (AP)

A leaked video showing the confession of the man accused of killing prominent Iraqi researcher Hisham al-Hashimi has reignited public scrutiny of the 2020 assassination and raised fresh questions about those behind the killing and the judiciary's handling of the case.

The video, widely circulated among Iraqi users on X, shows Ahmed Hamdawi Owaid detailing his role in the drive-by shooting that claimed al-Hashimi’s life outside his home in Baghdad’s Zayouna district.

The clip sparked a torrent of commentary on social media, with many Iraqis criticizing both armed factions and the judiciary.

Speculation swirled over who leaked the interrogation footage, which appears to have come from a police officer, and what their motives were. Many believe the leak was a calculated move by opponents of both the judiciary and powerful militias, reflecting the deep divisions between Iraq’s ruling forces, armed groups, and judicial authorities.

In the video, Hamdawi names senior Kataib Hezbollah figure and current lawmaker Hussein Moanes as the one who ordered the hit, a revelation seen as a direct blow to the Iran-aligned militia. Moanes, also known by his alias Abu Ali al-Askari, recently lashed out at calls to disarm armed factions.

Al-Askari had operated anonymously on X for years before al-Hashimi revealed his identity weeks ahead of his assassination, linking him to Moanes, a move that some now view as a possible trigger for the killing.

While some outlets quoted Moanes denying involvement, the Sabereen News channel, which is affiliated with armed groups, said he has not issued any official response.

Judiciary Under Fire

The leak has placed Iraq’s judiciary under renewed scrutiny, particularly after it released Hamdawi in March 2024 for “lack of evidence” despite his recorded confession and detailed description of the crime.

Rather than addressing the inconsistencies surrounding Hamdawi’s release, Iraq’s Supreme Judicial Council issued a statement condemning the leak, calling it illegal and an attempt to mislead public opinion.

The council confirmed that Hamdawi had been detained under Order No. 29, which established a committee led by former intelligence officer Abu Ragheef during Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi’s tenure.

The statement added that Hamdawi gave different testimony before the judicial committee than what he said in the leaked video.

The Abu Ragheef committee had previously faced criticism from armed faction-aligned figures, and Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani ultimately disbanded it in 2022 after assuming office.

The judiciary noted that the leaked video was likely filmed by a police officer on the committee, and that its publication violated legal investigative procedures.

Calls for Justice Persist

It remains unclear whether the new evidence will lead to a retrial. Hamdawi was reinstated as a police officer after his acquittal, and a leaked document suggests he was included in the Interior Ministry’s annual promotions list.

Judicial sources say a retrial is unlikely given the political pressure on the courts and resistance from influential factions to reopening the case.

Al-Hashimi, an expert on extremist groups and a government advisor, was gunned down on July 6, 2020. Days later, Kadhimi announced the arrest of the suspects, including Hamdawi, whose initial confession was broadcast on state television.

Despite multiple court hearings beginning in September 2021, the judiciary postponed the verdict in six separate sessions before ultimately releasing him in late 2022. The delays fueled suspicions among activists and civil society groups that political pressure was exerted to secure Hamdawi’s release.

Five years on, al-Hashimi’s murder remains unsolved, and his killers have yet to face justice.