Nasser al-Qasabi to Asharq Al-Awsat: ‘Al-Asouf’ Broke Taboos

Saudi actor Nasser al-Qasabi. (AP)
Saudi actor Nasser al-Qasabi. (AP)
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Nasser al-Qasabi to Asharq Al-Awsat: ‘Al-Asouf’ Broke Taboos

Saudi actor Nasser al-Qasabi. (AP)
Saudi actor Nasser al-Qasabi. (AP)

A drama series aired on mbc television during the holy fasting month of Ramadan has drawn attention for tackling a period of Saudi history that is seldom addressed.

Prominent Saudi actor Nasser al-Qasabi stars in “Al-Asouf”, the drama that has become the talk of the people and social media throughout the Arab world.

Nasser bin Qassem al-Qasabi, 56, is one of the most famous actors in the Arab world. He kicked off his career 34 years ago. Asharq Al-Awsat sat with him to address the controversy surrounding the show and the current artistic scene in Saudi Arabia.

The actor has courted controversy every year, to which he remarked: “I do not know why that is. It appears that our society is a bit too conservative and our media too calm.”

“Of course, it is not deliberate otherwise it would be silly because you would come out as obsessed with riling a certain segment of society. This is not conducive to a healthy environment,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat by telephone.

Saudi society does not seem accustomed to viewing programs that openly address its customs and traditions.

“People will disagree or differ with you when you address sensitive issues or when they have bizarre ideas about issues that should be off-limits,” Qasabi said. “They also have a tendency to exaggerate the idea of an ideal society. When you speak about this society, the so-called ‘enlightened’ ones are quick to attack you.”

“‘Al-Asouf’ is a drama show, not a documentary. Had it been so, it would have been shot differently,” he went on to say.

The series depicts a family that lives in a traditional neighborhood during the 1970s and the developments that take place there, as well as on the overall Arab scene.

“The developments include the 1973 war, the Israeli invasion, the death of King Faisal and the Iranian revolution,” revealed Qasabi. “We are pointing out to the viewers the history that the family is experiencing without really documenting that history. We are not concerned with that.”

“The issue of the Muslim Brotherhood has been at the foundation of our work for several years. We had a clear stance from the group even before it transformed into a terrorist organization for us. We had started work on the show over seven years ago and we completed the first part over four years ago. We knew at the time which path the Brotherhood was going to follow.”

“The show is not a documentary, even when it addresses the Brotherhood. The majority of the dialogue is simply about making observations, without going into details of events.”

“We sought to avoid delving into the details of the Brotherhood, but we sought to highlight its infiltration of society,” Qasabi told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Al-Asouf” completed filming two years ago, but was not aired until 2018. Qasabi denied that censors were involved in the delay, explaining that it was set to air four or five months before Ramadan, but structural changes at mbc led to its being broadcast two weeks before the holy month.

“This is confusing, even for me as an actor,” he admitted.

The series will have two more seasons. Season two was wrapped in early 2018 and the third season will be filmed after three months, he revealed.

Commenting on criticism that the show does not represent Saudi Arabia or its people, Qasabi responded: “Everyone has the right to criticize any work. They also have the right to like it or not. What bothers you though is that the general media and cultural scenes judge you on your work and impose themselves on you. They do not even understand the game.”

“They look at you as if you come from Hollywood or Cairo’s artistic environment. They do not see that you have to work in a very poor artistic environment that does not even have the basics to produce a dramatic work, whether they are writers, directors or photographers,” he explained.

“I would respect anyone who has an objective opinion, but not when they speak down at you,” he stressed. “You should not be so critical when I present a series from such a modest artistic background.”

“Thank God that we are now starting to realize the importance of theater and drama. We will now be able to pave the way for artistic scene of the future that would be able to produce works to rival and even possibly surpass Egyptian ones,” he stated.

Despite the criticism, Qasabi said that “Al-Asouf” was a success.

“Its value lies in drawing attention despite its flaws,” he explained. “No work of art is perfect, but the series has achieved its goal by reaching the people and provoking several of them. I have called this the ‘Great Provocation’ because it has stirred controversy and broken taboos.”

“Our society must grow accustomed to such issues. Other more powerful issues and stories will be put out in the open in the future. It will not stop here.”

“This is the nature of conservative societies. Taboos will be broken with time,” he declared.



Fakhri Karim: Nouri al-Maliki Saw Mosul as ‘Dagger in the Side’

Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: Nouri al-Maliki Saw Mosul as ‘Dagger in the Side’

Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Last February, Iraqi politician and publisher Fakhri Karim narrowly escaped an assassination attempt in Baghdad, sparking many questions about the motive behind the attack.

Some speculate Karim was targeted for his role as a senior advisor to the late President Jalal Talabani between 2006 and 2014. Others think it might have been due to his efforts in managing the relationship between Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani.

There is also speculation that the attack could have been a reaction to his newspaper, Al-Mada. Known for supporting the Iraqi uprising, Al-Mada has strongly campaigned against widespread assassinations and the uncontrolled spread of weapons.

The recent attempt on Karim's life recalls a similar incident in Lebanon in 1982. During the Israeli siege of Beirut, while the city was seeing off Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) fighters, Karim was injured in the face in an assassination attempt.

Karim had a close relationship with then PLO chairman Yasser Arafat, who supported thousands of communists escaping Saddam Hussein’s regime in Iraq.

Born in 1942 in Baghdad to a Shiite Kurdish family, Karim joined the Communist Party in 1959. His activism led to multiple imprisonments, escapes, and living under aliases, including Ali Abdul Khaliq.

Karim worked in the party’s media and was once the deputy head of the journalists’ syndicate.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim recounted a significant episode from 1970.

The Communist Party, through leader Makram Talabani, informed President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr about a coup plot orchestrated by outspoken Iraqi officer and politician Abdel Ghani al-Rawi, with support from Iran.

Al-Bakr appreciated the intelligence and reportedly said: “We will not forget this for the party.”

Karim also mentioned that al-Bakr had previously proposed that the Communist Party join the Baath Party in the coup that brought the Baathists back to power on July 17, 1968, but the party declined.

Karim disclosed that he personally received a call from US officials urging President Jalal Talabani not to run for a second term, labeling him as “Iran’s man.”

Karim then revealed that President Barack Obama was involved in a scheme to persuade Talabani to step down in favor of former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi. The aim was to keep Nouri al-Maliki as Prime Minister to appease Iran.

Karim admitted that supporting al-Maliki for the position of prime minister over Allawi, who had won the majority in parliament, was a blunder.

He stated that al-Maliki ignored Barzani’s warnings about extremist activity near Mosul that eventually culminated in ISIS’s capture of the city.

Before Mosul fell, al-Maliki reportedly said in front of President Talabani: “We need to cooperate and bring Mosul closer to the Kurdistan region because it is a hub for terrorists, nationalists, and Baathists, a dagger in our side.” Talabani reportedly found the comment inappropriate.

Karim spoke about missions assigned to him by Talabani in Tehran and Damascus, including meetings with Iranian Gen. Qasem Soleimani and Iraqi deputy commander of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, who were both killed in a US airstrike in early 2020.

He expressed concerns about the future of Iraq and Kurdistan amidst political instability.

Moreover, Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s exit from politics has emboldened minorities to challenge the constitution and institutions, according to Karim.

Some Iraqis now see the Federal Court as straying from its original role, comparing it to the Revolutionary Command Council.

Moment of decline for Iraq’s political process

Karim responded to comments by Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari to Asharq Al-Awsat previously, where Zebari stated that Talabani was prepared to support the no confidence of al-Maliki’s government, but he changed course after receiving a threatening message from Qassem Soleimani.

Karim noted that months into al-Maliki’s second term, he started to act independently, even from Shiite factions. This trend worried the highest religious authority in the country.

A meeting in Erbil gathered opposition forces, including the Iraqi List and Kurdish factions, later joined by al-Sadr. Talabani proposed withdrawing confidence from al-Maliki's government. Karim expressed concerns, but Talabani seemed unbothered. Karim also worried about potential resistance from Soleimani, prompting Talabani to suggest contacting him in Tehran.

As the plane prepared to depart, Soleimani indicated a messenger would deliver a message. The severe message demanded Talabani’s resignation if he wasn't up to the task and that he follow Soleimani’s approach. This led to a change of course and very dangerous consequences. Karim believed this marked the beginning of the decline in the political process in Iraq, leading to current events.

Al-Maliki and the Mosul dilemma

In Karim’s personal opinion, al-Maliki understood the gravity of the situation but likely thought it was a minor breach that could be rectified. Karim doubted that al-Maliki anticipated the situation turning into a major disaster leading to the occupation of a third of the country by ISIS, plunging both the people and the state into a costly predicament, the effects of which they are still grappling with.

The issue of Mosul was raised between Talabani and al-Maliki at the onset of discussions about forming the government. It was discussed in several meetings between the two leaders.

One day, al-Maliki proposed an idea that seemed strange to Karim. He suggested paying attention to the situation in Mosul and seeking a remedy for it.

“I hope we can cooperate and bring Mosul closer to the Kurdistan Region as much as possible because Mosul is a hub for terrorism, nationalists, and Baathists, hence a dagger in our side,” Karim recalled al-Maliki as saying.

Karim then responded: “We are talking about a future where we address the shortcomings we face, and you are talking about a Sunni component that is part of the political process!”

Al-Maliki then replied: “How can you speak to me like this? These are Baathists and nationalists, and, with all due respect, Sunnis.”

Karim then pointed to Talabani and said: “This man in front of you is Sunni.”

At that point, Talabani told al-Maliki that this conversation was inappropriate.

Al-Maliki: Mosul situation is under control

Karim’s words matched what Barzani, the former President of the Kurdistan Region, said at the time when he personally led the confrontation against ISIS.

Barzani said: “Before the fall of Mosul to ISIS, we received information that extremists were establishing bases in the urban area southwest of Mosul, near the Syrian border. I sent messages to Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki through Sayyid Ammar al-Hakim, Dr. Roj Shaways, and US Ambassador Stephen Beecroft.”

“I told them: Inform him that he’s preoccupied with Anbar and indifferent to Mosul, which has become an open arena. I proposed a joint operation to prevent the extremists from taking over Mosul and its surroundings,” recounted Barzani.

This was in December 2013, seven months before Mosul fell to ISIS. Barzani added that al-Maliki showed no interest: “I called him at the beginning of 2014 and said, ‘My brother, the situation in Mosul is dangerous. Let’s conduct a joint operation. I cannot send the Peshmerga alone’.”

“The matter is sensitive between Kurds and Arabs, and government forces are present in the area. There's the 2nd Division of the Iraqi Army, Federal Police, and other units. We’re ready to bear the heavier burden, but let it be a joint operation,” argued Barzani.

Al-Maliki then replied: “My brother, you watch over your region, don’t worry about what’s beyond it; the situation is under control.”

Barzani indicated that ISIS had not dreamed of taking control of Mosul, nor had it anticipated its fall into their hands.

The terrorist group wanted to distract army units to release their members detained in the Badush prison west of the city.

“ISIS launched shells towards the Ghazlani camp to cover the prisoners’ escape. The officers sent by al-Maliki (the ground forces commander and deputy chief of staff) fled, and the division commander joined them... This is a big and terrible issue,” said the Kurdish leader.

“The army didn't resist. Senior officers sought refuge with the Peshmerga. We rescued them and sent them to Baghdad at their request,” Barzani recounted.