Exclusive- The Bazaaris’ Revolt in Iran: Who is behind it?

Iranian shops closed at the ancient Grand Bazaar in Tehran on June 25, 2018. ATTA KENARE / AFP
Iranian shops closed at the ancient Grand Bazaar in Tehran on June 25, 2018. ATTA KENARE / AFP
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Exclusive- The Bazaaris’ Revolt in Iran: Who is behind it?

Iranian shops closed at the ancient Grand Bazaar in Tehran on June 25, 2018. ATTA KENARE / AFP
Iranian shops closed at the ancient Grand Bazaar in Tehran on June 25, 2018. ATTA KENARE / AFP

For a second-day running Tehran’s Grand Bazaar remained shut with its example imitated in the capital’s other business districts such as Maqsud-Shah, Qaysarieh, Khayyam, Sayyed Vali and Pachenar among others. At the same time bazaars in several other cities, notably Isfahan, Mash’had, Bandar Abbas, Kerman and Tabriz also organized token strikes in sympathy with Tehrani merchants.

Shutting the Grand Bazaar is not easy and had not happened since the heady days of 1978-79 when the uprising against the Shah was heading for its peak.

The Grand Bazaar consists of over 40 interlinked passages covering a total distance of 10.6 kilometers. The passages are divided into 20 segments each specializing in some trade, from food-shops, to goldsmith workshops to carpet show-rooms to whatever a megacity of almost 15 million inhabitants might need.

However, the Grad Bazaar isn’t just a mega shopping mall; it is the core of a whole way of life.

It contains six mosques, 30 hotels, more than 20 banks, six libraries, nine religious seminaries, 13 primary and secondary schools, two theaters, and a “House of Force” (zurkhaneh) where actual or putative “tough guys” practice traditional wrestling and body-building.

Bazaar merchants also provide a good chunk of the income reaped by the Shiite clergy in the form of “khoms” (one-fifth of revenue), “sahm-Imam” (Imam’s share), and a whole range of other voluntary donations. Without money from the bazaar and similar institutions in the provinces the Shi’ite clergy might not have been able to maintain its status through many ups-and-downs in Iran’s stormy history.

Traditionally the Grand Bazaar has also played a key role in fostering social cohesion, mostly through associations representing people from Iran’s 31 provinces. The largest of these are the Azerbaijani Association followed by the Association of Isfahanis in the capital.

Moe than 500 charities depend on support from Grand Bazaar which is also linked with countless Sufi fraternities. The Qaemiyah Movement, that organizes the birthday of the Hidden Imam on 15 Shaaban on the lunar calendar, has an estimated 1.2 million members in Greater Tehran. The same organization flexes its muscles every year in the mourning months of Muharram and Safar by fielding over 500 mourning processions (known as dasteh sineh-zani) in all parts of Tehran, the sprawling capital which covers an area of 662 square kilometers. Its provincial associations maintain networks all over Iran and, if and when necessary, can bring additional “muscle” to the capital from hundreds of towns and thousands of villages near and far.

More importantly, perhaps, the Grand Bazaar is the source of direct or indirect employment for more than 600,000 people.

The early history of the Grand Bazaar dates back to some 400 years ago in the Safavid Era. But the main structures of the present network were built some 200 years ago under the Qajars. Under Reza Shah the Great, the founder of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Grand Bazaar adopted a critical profile towards the new regime because of its modernization project that included clipping the wings of the clergy and promoting European-style trading companies. Under the last Shah, relations initially improved but only slightly, and from 1978 onwards ended up with open hostility towards the Pahlavi regime. Most Iran experts agree that, without strong financial and manpower support from the Grand bazaar, the late Ayatollah Ruhallah Khomeini ad his Communist allies, would not have been able to seize power without much of a fight.

Since then, the Grand Bazaar’s enthusiasm for the Khomeinist regime has cooled somewhat without turning into open hostility. Thus the current events must be regarded either as fleeting aberration or as a serious sign that the Khomeinist regime may be losing one of its major bases of support.

Of course, since nothing in Iran is ever what it seems to be, the protests may well be part of the power struggle within the Khomeinist establishment.

If that is the case, one must assume that the more radical faction, presenting the “Supreme Guide” Ayatollah Ali Khamenei as their mascot, helped foment the protest as coup de grace to President Hassan Rouhani’s moribund administration.

To be sure, there are facts that underline such a theory.

Radical members of the Islamic Majlis, among them Ahmad Amir-Abadi, Fatemeh Zolqadr and Ayatollah Mujtaba Zolnur, are openly talking about impeaching Rouhani or forcing him to resign. In fact, 71 radical Majlis members signed a motion on Tuesday giving Rouhani 15 days to offer a new policy or face impeachment.

They think that with the so-called “nuke deal” concocted by former US President Barack Obama now virtually dead, Rouhani has lost his administration’s political “jewel in the crown”.

The fact that some top military figures, among them former Commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Gen. Yahya Rahim Safavi and former Baseej (Mobilization) Commander Gen. Ghayb-Parvar have also indirectly criticized Rouhani gives weight to that theory.

Several radical members of the clergy, among them Ayatollah Nuri Hamadani and Ayatollah Makarem Shirazi have come out in support of the bazaaris and emitted dire warnings to Rouhani and his team.

Other analysts, however, believe that the bazaar is reflecting wider concerns within the Iranian society at a time of growing economic hardship and socio-political repression. Similar concerns caused last winter’s nationwide uprising that spread to over 1,250 cities across the country.

Several facts lend credence to that analysis. To start with, the official media are not branding the current protest as “another Zionist-CIA plot” as they have always done since 1979. Some outlets claim that the protests were fomented by “troublemakers” or “economic saboteurs” but no attempt is made to link them with exiled groups or traditional nationalist or Islamist-Marxist opponents of the regime.

One thing is certain: The Grand Bazaar has well-established and tested mechanisms for popular mobilization and a show of force in the streets. If it is angry, it can show its anger. And when it does, it would be foolish for anyone not to take notice.



Harris Vows Tougher Approach on Migration, Supports Weapons for Israel 

Democratic presidential nominee and US Vice President Kamala Harris reacts as she holds a campaign rally in Savannah, Georgia, US, August 29, 2024. (Reuters)
Democratic presidential nominee and US Vice President Kamala Harris reacts as she holds a campaign rally in Savannah, Georgia, US, August 29, 2024. (Reuters)
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Harris Vows Tougher Approach on Migration, Supports Weapons for Israel 

Democratic presidential nominee and US Vice President Kamala Harris reacts as she holds a campaign rally in Savannah, Georgia, US, August 29, 2024. (Reuters)
Democratic presidential nominee and US Vice President Kamala Harris reacts as she holds a campaign rally in Savannah, Georgia, US, August 29, 2024. (Reuters)

Kamala Harris vowed a tougher approach to migration along the US southern border and said she would not withhold weapons to Israel, in her first interview with a major news organization since becoming the Democratic nominee for president.

In the interview with CNN anchor Dana Bash, Harris sought to show she is in command of the issues and give Americans a sense of her policy positions with little more than two months until Election Day on Nov. 5.

Harris said she would renew a push for comprehensive border legislation that would tighten migration into the United States, and vowed to "enforce our laws" against border crossings.

"We have laws that have to be followed and enforced, that address and deal with people who cross our border illegally, and there should be consequences," Harris said.

She also hewed closely to President Joe Biden's strong support of Israel and rejected calls from some in the Democratic Party that Washington should rethink sending weapons to Israel because of the heavy Palestinian death toll in Gaza.

She said she supports a strong Israel but "we must get a deal done" to get a ceasefire in the Gaza conflict.

"No, we have to get a (ceasefire and hostage) deal done," Harris said when asked if she would withhold weapons to Israel. She has been Biden's vice president since the start of his administration.

Abbas Alawieh, a co-founder of the Uncommitted National Movement that has protested against Biden's policy, expressed frustration over Harris’ response on Gaza.

"If the vice president is interested in a ceasefire, she must support an immediate stop to sending the fire," Alawieh said.

Harris, joined by her vice presidential running mate, Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, also said she would like to add a Republican to her cabinet if she wins the election.

"I think it’s important to have people at the table when some of the most important decisions are being made that have different views, different experiences. And I think it would be to the benefit of the American public to have a member of my cabinet who was a Republican," she said.

SURGING IN POLLS

Since becoming the Democratic candidate for president last month, Harris has surged in the polls, brought in hundreds of millions of dollars in campaign donations, and had a series of forceful campaign speeches.

She leads Trump 45% to 41% in a Reuters/Ipsos poll published on Thursday that showed the vice president sparking new enthusiasm among voters.

Some critics suggested she might be less polished in unscripted settings like a TV interview, but she appeared to make no major mistakes on Thursday.

Harris defended her and Biden's handling of inflation, saying they inherited a pandemic-ravaged economy that she said Trump had mismanaged. She said much work had been done to lower prices but that "prices are still too high."

Jeremi Suri, history and public affairs professor at the University of Texas at Austin, said Harris came across as knowledgeable and a "consensus builder" in the interview but she could have had "more concrete and specific answers" on what she would do on her first day as president.

Harris has moved more toward the center on some issues from the time she ran for president in 2020 until she took over from Biden last month as the Democrats' choice to face Republican former President Donald Trump in the election.

She has toughened her position on migration along the southern US border with Mexico. She also no longer wants a ban on fracking, an energy production method that employs many people in Pennsylvania, one of a handful of swing states that could decide the election.

When asked about her policy shifts, Harris said: "My values have not changed."

Harris dismissed a comment from Trump in which he questioned whether she was a Black American. "Same old tired playbook," she said. "Next question, please."

Trump, in a post on Truth Social, responded to the interview by saying: "I look so forward to Debating Comrade Kamala Harris and exposing her for the fraud she is." Trump often falsely refers to Harris as a Marxist.

Though she has taken questions from journalists on the campaign trail and been interviewed on TikTok in recent days, she had, until Thursday, not done a one-on-one interview with a major network or print journalist since Biden ended his reelection campaign on July 21 and endorsed her.

Bash, who co-moderated the June 27 debate between Trump and Biden that ultimately led to the president's departure from the race, conducted the interview in Savannah, Georgia, as Harris and Walz were on a campaign bus tour.