7 Years after his Murder, Fate of Gaddafi’s Family Remains a Mystery

Muammar Gaddafi with wife Safia and sons: Saif al-Arab, Khamis and Muotasim Bellah (Getty Images)
Muammar Gaddafi with wife Safia and sons: Saif al-Arab, Khamis and Muotasim Bellah (Getty Images)
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7 Years after his Murder, Fate of Gaddafi’s Family Remains a Mystery

Muammar Gaddafi with wife Safia and sons: Saif al-Arab, Khamis and Muotasim Bellah (Getty Images)
Muammar Gaddafi with wife Safia and sons: Saif al-Arab, Khamis and Muotasim Bellah (Getty Images)

A recent court order banning Hannibal, son of late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, from leaving Lebanon for a year, brought back the discussion of the “mysterious fate” of Gaddafi’s family.

Some want Hannibal released from prison, stressing that he should not be punished for his father’s crimes, while others demanded Libyan authorities intervene in this case and reveal the truth to the people.

Three of Gaddafi's nine children were killed during the "revolution" by the "rebels," including Muotasim Bellah, who served as national security adviser to the country. The remaining six survived but are in different countries: al-Saadi imprisoned in Tripoli, Hannibal detained in Lebanon, and Saif al-Islam whose whereabouts are not known. In addition, Gaddafi's wife, Safia Farkash, left for Algeria with her daughter Aisha, whereas, Mohammed, Gaddafi’s eldest son from his first wife Fathia, moved to Oman. Reports indicated that Hana, their adopted sister, most likely died during the US bombing of Tripoli in 1986, and was only 4-years-old back then.

A Lebanese judge has banned Hannibal, Gaddafi’s fifth son, from leaving Lebanon for a year after a case was filed in which a Lebanese citizen, Hussein Hbeish, accused him of "forming a terrorist organization, kidnapping and attempted murder”, Lebanon’s The Daily Star reported Monday.

The newspaper said that Judge Rita Ghantous decided on July 12 to prevent Hannibal from leaving Lebanon for a year, and sent a memorandum to General Security to implement the decision.

In his lawsuit, Hbeish indicated that during a visit to Libya in 2016, he was kidnapped by an armed group loyal to Hannibal. The group demanded the Lebanese government release Gaddafi's son in exchange for setting Hbeish free.

Hannibal is also serving a one and a half year sentence for insulting the Lebanese judiciary. In December 2015, Lebanese authorities detained him as part of an investigation into the disappearance of Imam Musa al-Sadr and two of his companions after a visit to Libya at the invitation of Muammar Gaddafi in 1978.

Member of Libya’s House of Representatives Mohammed al-Abani expressed his "respect" to the Lebanese judiciary, but said that blaming Hannibal for his father’s mistakes is “unjust and very arbitrary.”

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Abani wondered how a person can be punished for the crime of a political system. He pointed out that at the time of the crime, Hannibal was just a child.

As for al-Saadi, Gaddafi's family was informed by its lawyer that al-Saadi, who had been imprisoned in al-Hadabah since Niger handed him over in March 2014, has disappeared.

Yet, Sadiq al-Sour, head of investigations at the prosecutor's office, explained that al-Saadi did not leave the prison. On April 3, al-Saadi’s lawyer, Mubaraka al-Tawergi, said that the court had cleared al-Saadi of charges related to the murder of the former al-Ittihad player and coach Bashir al-Riyani.

Al-Saadi is still in prison even though the court had issued its verdict three months ago. Judicial sources say he is on trial for other misdemeanours like kidnapping, and financing armed groups.

Many Libyans are divided about the future of Gaddafi's sons and their presence inside the country, according to a political source from Tripoli.

“There are tribes and parties who do not mind their return and rather welcome their integration into the political system,” the source added.

The source, who declined to be named, told Asharq Al-Awsat that some politicians do not want Gaddafi's sons, especially Saif al-Islam, in Libya’s political life.

He spoke about "an uncertain future for the family itself amid Saif al-Islam’s disappearance” who is wanted internationally, his sister’s Aisha’s residence outside the country, and al-Saadi's imprisonment.

Khamis, Gaddafi's seventh son, worked in the United States when the Libyan "revolution" erupted, but returned to Libya and was killed in August 2011. Also, Saif al-Arab, Gaddafi's sixth son, was killed after returning from Munich on April 30, 2011.

Saif al-Islam had not been seen since Abu Bakr al-Siddiq Brigade, in control of al-Zintan town, released him on June 11, 2017. The brigade said at the time that it released the man at the request of the interim government.

However, some people who claim to be close to him, have maintained his presence in the political scene by speaking on his behalf or issuing statements attributed to him, saying that he intends to run for the upcoming presidential elections, before others denied such statements altogether.

Saif al-Islam is wanted by Libyan judicial authorities after he was sentenced to death in absentia in 2015 for his role in the "suppression of the 2011 revolution”. In addition, the International Criminal Court also requested Saif al-Islam be tried for crimes against humanity during his father's presidency.

Libyan politician Suleiman al-Bayoudi expressed regret for "the absence of any role for the Libyan government in the arrest of Hannibal in Lebanon and its circumstances."

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Bayoudi called on the Libyan authorities to clarify to Libyans about the Hannibal case, and “have a legal and diplomatic role to defend any Libyan citizen."

As for Aisha, she has been put on the EU list of Libyan personnel whose bank accounts had been frozen and are banned from travelling.

The European Union’s General Court lifted the sanctions on Aisha in March last year and a travel ban on her mother Safia was also lifted.



Netanyahu’s Messages: Beyond Türkiye, Closer to Tel Aviv

Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
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Netanyahu’s Messages: Beyond Türkiye, Closer to Tel Aviv

Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 

Following a series of intensified Israeli airstrikes on Damascus and the airports in Homs and Hama, as well as a ground incursion into the city of Nawa near Daraa, Israeli officials on Thursday escalated their rhetoric, issuing fresh threats to the Syrian leadership and warning of further military action—this time citing concerns over Turkish military activity in the region.

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar voiced particular alarm over Türkiye’s growing role in Syria, Lebanon, and beyond. Speaking at a press conference in Paris, he said: “They are doing everything they can to turn Syria into a Turkish protectorate. That is clearly their intention.”

Defense Minister Israel Katz echoed this sentiment, stating that Israel “will not allow Damascus to become a security threat” to Israel.

Rising Concern Over Türkiye’s Military Footprint in Syria

Military officials in Tel Aviv confirm that Israel sees Türkiye’s growing military presence in Syria as a serious concern. Their fear stems from two key issues: first, Ankara’s reported efforts to rebuild the Syrian army along the lines of its own modernized military model; and second, its apparent goal of establishing a long-term military foothold inside Syrian territory.

Israeli defense sources point out that Türkiye’s armed forces operate based on a traditional ground warfare doctrine, featuring large-scale armored divisions and well-equipped infantry units—similar in style to the Russian military. This stands in contrast to the Israeli military, which relies heavily on air superiority and has long underinvested in ground forces.

Given this disparity, any significant Turkish deployment in Syria could pose a direct challenge to Israeli operations and raise the risk of confrontation.

While the recent Israeli airstrikes targeted mostly long-defunct Syrian military sites—many of which have been hit repeatedly over the years—the attacks signal a broader strategic shift.

In the wake of the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led assault on southern Israel, the Israeli military has moved away from a defensive posture of deterrence and containment. In its place, the army has embraced a more aggressive doctrine built around preemptive action.

This shift was further underscored by the appointment of a new chief of staff from the Armored Corps—the first in three decades—signaling a renewed emphasis on ground operations and offensive initiatives.

Not Just a Message to Türkiye

Despite the messaging around Türkiye’s presence, analysts say the recent wave of Israeli military action also serves broader geopolitical aims.

After failing to persuade Washington to pressure Ankara to scale back its involvement in Syria, Israel now appears determined to assert its own red lines militarily. The airstrike on the Scientific Studies and Research Center in Damascus—a facility already destroyed multiple times since 2018—was widely viewed as symbolic.

Israeli officials say the intended audience for that particular strike was Syrian interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, whom Israeli intelligence continues to refer to by his former nom de guerre, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani. By launching the attack during the Eid al-Fitr holiday, Israel aimed to send a clear message: there will be no return to normalcy in Syria without accounting for Israeli interests.

Among those interests is normalization. Last month, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reiterated his desire to see Syria and Lebanon join the Abraham Accords and establish formal diplomatic ties with Israel.

Hardline figures within Netanyahu’s coalition believe Israel currently holds a strategic upper hand. As right-wing think tank head Meir Ben-Shabbat recently wrote: “Israel is in its strongest position ever. It is transforming the Middle East, expanding its military capabilities, and pushing back the Iranian axis—while Syria is at its weakest.”

For many in Israel’s ruling right, this is an ideal moment to push for a peace agreement with Syria, possibly even one involving Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Golan Heights.

The Real Audience: Domestic Israel

Still, perhaps the most significant message behind the military campaign is directed not at Ankara, Damascus, or even Tehran—but at Tel Aviv.

As protests against Netanyahu’s leadership have grown louder in recent months, military escalation has served as a convenient political shield. The wars in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, and Lebanon dominate public attention and have largely sidelined anti-government demonstrations.

“Netanyahu’s government must go, but we won’t take to the streets while our sons are fighting,” has become a common refrain among many Israelis who oppose his leadership but remain reluctant to protest during wartime.

By maintaining a state of conflict, Netanyahu is not only securing his coalition’s survival but also enabling his allies to advance a hardline agenda—particularly on the Palestinian issue—that would have faced greater resistance in peacetime.

Critics warn that this strategy, while politically expedient, comes at a steep cost to Israel’s democratic institutions, its judiciary, and the long-term stability of the region.