Iraq: PMF Orders Closure of its Offices in Liberated Cities

Members of the Popular Mobilization Forces advance toward Tal Afar, Iraq, on Aug. 22, 2017. Ahmad Al-Rubaye/AFP
Members of the Popular Mobilization Forces advance toward Tal Afar, Iraq, on Aug. 22, 2017. Ahmad Al-Rubaye/AFP
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Iraq: PMF Orders Closure of its Offices in Liberated Cities

Members of the Popular Mobilization Forces advance toward Tal Afar, Iraq, on Aug. 22, 2017. Ahmad Al-Rubaye/AFP
Members of the Popular Mobilization Forces advance toward Tal Afar, Iraq, on Aug. 22, 2017. Ahmad Al-Rubaye/AFP

The Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) ordered on Monday the withdrawal of its forces from Iraqi cities,mainly areas liberated from ISIS in the provinces of Salahuddin, Anbar and Nineveh.

The Iran-backed PMF also ordered the closure of its offices in cities seized from ISIS.

“PMF headquarters will be moved outside of liberated cities, and all offices under any name linked to the PMF will be closed in the liberated areas,” read an official document issued Monday by the Deputy Commander of the forces, Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis.

He also warned that the brigades who remain loyal and committed to their supporting sides would be dealt with as a rogue force.

Armed groups expert Dr. Hisham al-Hashemi on Monday expressed doubt that the decision to pull out of several Iraqi cities was purely local.

“It is rather linked to separate meetings held between Omani officials and each of US and Iranian officials amid talks on the withdrawal of Iranian forces from Syria and on curbing Iran’s influence in Iraq,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Politically, analysts said that Kurds and Sunnis have been playing with the nerves of Shiite blocs wishing to form the next government.

A meeting was held Sunday between the two principal Kurdish parties (Kurdistan Democratic Party and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan) and the newly formed Sunni Arab ‘National Axis Alliance’ to discuss the formation of the new cabinet.

During the meeting, both sides agreed to continue collaboration “for active participation in the political process in implementing and taking into consideration the principles that can serve partnership of all the components in the next Iraqi government.”



Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
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Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 

The brief detention of Talal Naji, Secretary-General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC), by Syrian authorities has renewed scrutiny over the status of Palestinian factions still operating in Syria, particularly those that aligned with the former Assad regime.

Naji’s arrest and swift release come amid a major political realignment following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s government in December 2024. Once one of the most active and heavily armed Palestinian groups in Syria, the PFLP-GC now faces an uncertain future, along with other factions that were long tolerated—or even supported—under Assad’s rule.

A well-informed Palestinian source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the new Syrian administration has appointed a figure known as Abu Abdul Rahman al-Shami to oversee the file of Palestinian factions. Since assuming the role, al-Shami has convened multiple meetings with faction representatives, including regular attendees from the PFLP-GC, to discuss the fate of their fighters, weapons, property, and military infrastructure.

According to the source, al-Shami has made it clear that the new government intends to hold accountable any individuals or groups implicated in crimes against Syrian civilians during the civil war. Palestinian factions have been instructed to surrender all weapons and military equipment, and to limit their activities to humanitarian and relief work. The PFLP-GC, the source said, has largely complied.

Despite the fall of the Assad regime, Naji and much of the PFLP-GC’s second- and third-tier leadership have remained in Syria. Its offices in Damascus reportedly continue to operate, though under heightened scrutiny. Other faction leaders, however, have fled. Among them are Khaled Abdul Majid (Popular Struggle Front), Ziyad al-Saghir (Fatah–Intifada), Mohammad al-Saeed (Liwa al-Quds), and Saed Abdel Al (Free Palestine Movement). Most are believed to have sought refuge in Lebanon.

Sources confirmed that several PFLP-GC fighters have been detained in recent weeks in connection with alleged war crimes committed during their cooperation with Assad’s forces. The Syrian government has also moved to seize faction offices and military installations across the country, including properties belonging to Fatah–Intifada, the Free Palestine Movement, and the Sa’iqa Forces. Sa’iqa’s leader, Mohammad Qais, remains in Syria.

In a further blow, authorities have reportedly frozen bank accounts belonging to some Palestinian factions, both in state and private banks, although it remains unclear whether the PFLP-GC is among them.

Additionally, it is widely believed that the PFLP-GC has handed over its military training camps, which were previously spread across Damascus countryside, Daraa, Aleppo, and Suwayda. “The situation is extremely sensitive, and everyone is anxious,” one Palestinian source told Asharq Al-Awsat. “It’s likely they’ve surrendered those sites.”

The sense of unease deepened last month when Syrian authorities detained two senior Islamic Jihad officials in Damascus: Khaled Khaled, head of the group’s Syria bureau, and Abu Ali Yasser, its chief organizational officer. Both remain in custody, and no official charges have been announced.

The current atmosphere of fear and uncertainty has driven faction leaders to avoid public comment. Most now insist on anonymity when speaking to local or international media.

Before the outbreak of the Syrian uprising in March 2011, Syria hosted more than a dozen Palestinian factions. As the conflict escalated, the Assad regime encouraged the formation of new pro-regime groups, composed largely of Palestinian refugees, to fight alongside its forces.