One Year After ISIS 'Defeat', Syria's Raqqa Still in Fear

A member of Raqqa's Internal Security Forces mans a checkpoint at the entrance of the Syrian city that was ruled by ISIS until a year ago | AFP
A member of Raqqa's Internal Security Forces mans a checkpoint at the entrance of the Syrian city that was ruled by ISIS until a year ago | AFP
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One Year After ISIS 'Defeat', Syria's Raqqa Still in Fear

A member of Raqqa's Internal Security Forces mans a checkpoint at the entrance of the Syrian city that was ruled by ISIS until a year ago | AFP
A member of Raqqa's Internal Security Forces mans a checkpoint at the entrance of the Syrian city that was ruled by ISIS until a year ago | AFP

A year after a US-backed alliance of Syrian fighters drove the ISIS terrorist group from the northern city of Raqqa, traumatized civilians still live in fear of near-daily bombings.

"Every day we wake up to the sound of an explosion," said resident Khaled al-Darwish.

"We're scared to send our children to school... there's no security," he added.

The hardliners' brutal rule in Raqqa was brought to an end in October 2017 after a months-long ground offensive by the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces supported by air strikes from a US-led coalition.

But despite manning roadblocks at every street corner, the SDF and the city's newly created Internal Security Forces are struggling to stem infiltration by ISIS sleeper cells.

At Raqqa's entrance, soldiers verify drivers' identity papers and carefully sift through lorry cargoes.

Inside the city, there are regular foot patrols and armored vehicles sit at strategic points.

Women wearing the niqab are asked to show their faces to female security members before entering public buildings.

"If there wasn't fear about a return of ISIS, there wouldn't be this increased military presence," said Darwish, a father of two, speaking near the infamous Paradise Square.

It was here that ISIS carried out decapitations and other brutal punishments, earning the intersection a new name -- "the roundabout of hell".

While the nightmare of extremist rule may be gone, most of the city still lies in ruins and there are near-daily attacks on checkpoints and military vehicles, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.

Although a series of stinging defeats have cut ISIS's so-called caliphate down to desert hideouts, militants still manage to hit beyond the patches of ground they overtly control.

Some Raqqa residents say the city's new security forces lack the expertise to cope.

"We are exhausted. Every day we don't know if we will die in a bomb explosion or if we will go home safe and sound," said Abu Younes, sitting in his supermarket near a roundabout not far from Paradise Square.

"There is no security -- (the new security forces) on the roadblocks are not qualified and there is a lot of negligence," he complained.

"There are faults that enable ISIS to infiltrate the city easily and carry out attacks."

But despite the continued attacks, a semblance of normal life has returned to the city.

Shops have reopened and traffic has returned to major roads -- albeit choked by the impromptu checkpoints.

In a public garden, children climb up a multi-colored slide and onto dilapidated swings as their mothers sit on nearby benches carefully keeping watch.

They are set amidst an apocalyptic backdrop of twisted metal and splayed balconies -- the remnants of buildings torn apart by US-led coalition air raids.

Nearby, Ahmed al-Mohammed pauses as he listens to music on his phone. Like others, he does not hide his disquiet.

"We're scared because of the presence of ISIS members in the city," the 28-year-old said.

"The security forces need to tighten their grip."

Ahmed Khalaf, who commands Raqqa's Internal Security Forces, defended the work of his men and claimed successes against the jihadists.

He said patrols are highly organized and that a "joint operation cell" had recently been established with coalition forces to monitor the city's security.

"Recently we arrested four (extremists) -- it was a cell that took part in attacks that terrorized the city," said Khalaf, sporting plain green fatigues.

"We are continuing our investigation to uncover the other cells," he added.

"Daesh's goal is to destroy the country and to not let anyone live in safety," he said, using an Arabic acronym for ISIS.

Security and stability are what Najla al-Ahmed wants most for her children.

"The nightmare of ISIS follows us everywhere -- whenever we try to rest, explosions start up again," said the 36-year-old, as she shopped with her young ones.

"The war has worn us out. Us and our children. It has destroyed our future," she said.



Israel’s Messages Behind Strikes on Beirut’s Southern Suburb

Men stand at the scene of an Israeli strike on a building in Beirut's southern suburbs on April 1, 2025. (AFP)
Men stand at the scene of an Israeli strike on a building in Beirut's southern suburbs on April 1, 2025. (AFP)
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Israel’s Messages Behind Strikes on Beirut’s Southern Suburb

Men stand at the scene of an Israeli strike on a building in Beirut's southern suburbs on April 1, 2025. (AFP)
Men stand at the scene of an Israeli strike on a building in Beirut's southern suburbs on April 1, 2025. (AFP)

Israel’s latest airstrikes on Beirut’s southern suburb, known as Dahiyeh, have moved beyond mere retaliation for rocket fire, signaling a shift in the rules of engagement. By targeting the area twice in less than a week, Tel Aviv has effectively abandoned the informal understanding that had kept the suburb off-limits since the ceasefire took effect in November.

The escalation raises questions about how Lebanon’s government and Hezbollah will respond and whether this marks the beginning of a more intense phase of conflict.

Pressure to normalize ties

Observers close to Hezbollah believe Israel’s strikes are aimed to increase pressure on Lebanon to engage in normalization talks.

Brig. Gen. Mounir Shehadeh, former Lebanese government coordinator with the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), suggested that the rockets fired into Israel last Friday—which prompted the initial Israeli response—ultimately served Israeli interests.

“It was evident that these were crude, suspicious rockets, giving Israel the pretext it needed to strike deep into Lebanese territory, specifically Dahiyeh,” Shehadeh told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He pointed to Tuesday’s assassination of a Hezbollah member in the Dahiyeh strike, describing it as a significant escalation. “Unlike last week, there was no pretext for this attack,” he said. “This confirms that Israel’s objective is to pressure Lebanon into normalization.”

Shehadeh argued that the US and Israel are working to push Lebanon into political negotiations involving diplomats and politicians rather than military representatives.

“There are also growing efforts to force Hezbollah into making internal concessions, particularly to disarm in areas north of the Litani River,” he added.

He stressed that Israel is sending a clear message: no location in Lebanon is off-limits, and it will continue to act whenever and wherever it sees fit.

A different perspective

Retired Brig. Gen. George Nader offered a different interpretation of the escalation. He believes Israel does not need excuses to carry out its attacks, but argues that Lebanon should avoid giving it any justification.

“We have failed to implement international resolutions, particularly Resolution 1701, and we continue to insist that Hezbollah’s disarmament requires national dialogue,” Nader told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He questioned the relevance of such discussions, given that Lebanon’s previous government had already signed an agreement calling for the disarmament of armed groups and the dismantling of their military infrastructure, starting south of the Litani River.

“As long as the situation remains unchanged, we should expect Israeli violations and attacks to intensify,” he warned. He also cited explicit US warnings that Lebanon could face cuts in military aid and even sanctions if it fails to implement the agreement.

“We are at a crossroads,” Nader said. “Either Hezbollah acknowledges the shifting regional and international dynamics, helps the state assert full sovereignty over Lebanese territory, and surrenders its weapons—or Israel will continue the aggressive approach we are seeing today.”